THE TENETS AND IMPACT OF FEMINISM ON GENDER EQUALITY IN SOCIETY (AUTHORED BY - ANMOL TANWAR)
THE TENETS AND IMPACT OF FEMINISM
ON GENDER EQUALITY IN SOCIETY
AUTHORED BY
- ANMOL TANWAR
I.
Introduction
Four
in ten women around the world say that they don’t have equality with men or the
freedom to reach their full dreams and aspirations. Feminism is
the theory of the political, economic, and social equality of the sexes,[1] even
though many feminist movements and
ideologies differ on exactly which claims and strategies are
vital and justifiable to achieve equality. However, equality, while supported
by most feminists, is not universally seen as the required result of the
feminist movement, even by feminists. Some consider it feminist to increase the
rights of women from an origin that is less than man's without obtaining full
equality.[2] Their
premise is that some gain of power is better than nothing. At the other end of
the continuum, a minority of feminists have argued that women should set up at
least one women-led society and some institutions.[3]
Feminism is
a very complex perspective. It is a source of a new awareness, power, and
knowledge to the contemporary thinking. It is a global as well as a
contemporary ideology. Feminism is a collective term for systems of belief and
theories that pay special attention to women’s rights and women’s position in
culture and society.
Equality
is the state of being equal, especially in status, rights
and opportunities. Gender equality, also known as sexual
equality, is the state of equal ease of access to resources and
opportunities regardless of gender, including economic participation and decision-making;
and the state of valuing different behaviours, aspirations and needs equally,
regardless of gender.
It is generally accepted by egalitarians that feminism falls
under egalitarianism and that some feminists identify themselves as
egalitarian, which under the broadly understood definition of the word is equality
for both men and women.
II.
Feminism
The
term tends to be used for the women’s rights movement, which began in the late
18th century and continues to campaign for complete political, social, and
economic equality between men and women. It is a body of social theory and
political movement primarily based on and motivated by the experiences of
women. While generally providing a critique of social relations, many
proponents of feminism also focus on analyzing gender inequality and the
promotion of women’s rights, interests, and issues. Jane Freedman in Feminism
observes in this connection: So, perhaps we should start from the assumption
that we cannot define what ‘feminism’ is, but only try to pick out common
characteristics of all the many different ‘feminisms’. Any attempt to provide a
baseline definition of a common basis of all feminisms may start with the
assertion that feminisms concern themselves with women’s inferior position in
society and with discrimination encountered by women because of their sex.
Furthermore, one could argue that all feminists call for changes in the social,
economic, political or cultural order, to reduce and eventually overcome this
discrimination against women.
So,
it is very difficult to define feminism in terms of a set of core concept but
its common core is the thesis that the relationship between the sexes is one of
inequality or oppression. “All forms of feminism seek to identify the causes of
that inequality and to remedy it, but the issue of precisely which agency
produces and reproduces inequality is the source of many of the differences
between feminists”.
Feminists are united by the idea that
women’s position in society is unequal to that of men, and that society is
structured in such a way as to benefit men to the political, social, and
economic detriment of women. However, feminists have used different theories to
explain these inequalities and have advocated different ways of redressing
inequalities, and there are marked geographic and historical variations in the
nature of feminism. In general, feminism is “concerned with how women’s lives
have changed throughout history, and it asks what about women’s experience
either as a result of an essential ontological or psychological difference or
as a result of historical imprinting and social construction”.
Feminism
affirms the value of women and women’s contributions to their life and
anticipates a future where barriers to women’s full participation in public
life will be removed. Within feminism are many different political agendas,
philosophical positions, values, ideologies, and viewpoints. However, feminists
share five general commitments:
v Valuing
women and their specific contributions to society;
v Critically
analyzing the past to understand how patriarchal practices have devalued woman;
v analyzing
sex-gender constructions that emphasize male-female differences and examining
differences among women, especially in terms of race, ethnicity, sexuality,
class, age, body shape, and religion, as well as other categories of identity
that are used to denigrate, dismiss, or delegitimize persons without
consideration of the merit of their actions, thoughts, or character;
v formulating
new understandings that can transform social, political, and personal practices
on the basis of women’s contributions, values, and experiences; and
v Working
toward social and personal transformations through political activities
designed to enable women to participate as full citizens in public life.
A.
History of
Feminism
In the 1830s feminism, both as a concept and as a movement, emerged as
the reaction against the atrocities of patriarchy. It is due to the damaged
personality of a woman who has been distorted and violated in terms of sexual
harassment and by unequal gender politics. She is inferiorized. In the views of
Sarah M. Grimke : man has subjugated woman to his will, used her as a means to
promote his unselfish gratification, to minister to his sensual pleasure, to be
instrumental in promoting his comfort, but never has he desired to elevate her
to that rank she was created to fill. He has done all he could do to debase and
enslave her mind; and now he looks triumphantly on the ruin he has wrought, and
says, the being he has thus deeply injured is his inferior. It is as Kate
Millet observes in Sexual Politics (1969) the history of patriarchy perpetrated
cruelties and barbarities on women.
Charles Fourier,
a Utopian Socialist and
French philosopher, is credited with having coined the word
"féminisme" in 1837.[4] The
words "féminisme" ("feminism") and "féministe"
("feminist") first appeared in France and the Netherlands in
1872, Great Britain in
the 1890s, and the United States in
1910,[5] and
the Oxford English Dictionary lists
1852 as the year of the first appearance of "feminist”[6] and
1895 for "feminism".[7]Depending
on the historical moment, culture and country, feminists around the world have
had different causes and goals. Most western feminist historians contend that
all movements working to obtain women's rights should be considered feminist
movements, even when they did not (or do not) apply the term to themselves.[8] Other
historians assert that the term should be limited to the modern feminist
movement and its descendants. Those historians use the label "protofeminist"
to describe earlier movements.[9]
The history of the modern western feminist movements is divided into
three "waves".[10] Each
wave dealt with different aspects of the same feminist issues. The first wave comprised
women's suffrage movements of the nineteenth and early twentieth century’s,
promoting women's right to vote. The second wave was associated
with the ideas and actions of the women's liberation movement beginning
in the 1960s. The second wave campaigned for legal and social equality for
women. The third wave is a
continuation of, and a reaction to, the perceived failures of second-wave
feminism, which began in the 1990s.[11]
r Nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries
First-wave
feminism refers to a period of feminist activity during the nineteenth century
and early twentieth century in the United Kingdom and United States. It
primarily focused on gaining the right of women’s suffrage. Mary Wollstonecraft
published the first feminist treatise A Vindication of the Rights of Women
(1972) in which she advocated the social and moral equality of the sexes. In
Maria, or the Wrongs of Women, she has acknowledged the existence of women’s
sexual desires. In America, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony
campaigned for the abolition of slavery prior to championing women’s right to
vote. Stanton and Anthony believed that abortion was an imposition of the
patriarchy upon women.
r
Mid-twentieth century
Second-wave
feminism refers to a period of feminist activity beginning in the late 1960s
and 1970s. If the period associated with First-Wave feminism focused upon
absolute rights such as suffrage, the second-wave feminist movement was
concerned with the issue of economic equality between the genders. It also
included the recognition of lesbian women within movement, due to the
simultaneous rise of the gay rights movement. In the second-wave feminism,
Simone de Beauvoir’s The Second Sex (1949) and Millet’s Sexual Politics threw
into question the cultural and ethical values of many literary presentations.
Beauvoir and Millet drew attention to the way in which the greater social power
men have over women is translated into textual conventions. Elaine Showalter
and Ellen Moers made the novel a special focus of their work taking it to be a
major source of values and experiences relevant to contemporary women’s
thinking. Moer’s Literary Women (1976) claims that there are specific female
modes (the Gothic), specific female motifs (birthing, landscape), and specific
female symbols (birds, flowers). The second-wave feminist criticism placed
literature in historical and social frameworks with gender and sexist features.
A crucial theme in second-wave criticism is the idea that literature presents
gender discriminations and inequalities as the product of the individual psyche
rather than the playing out of the socially allotted role. Millet in Sexual
Politics argues that patriarchal power is ubiquitous. There is a deeply
entrenched politics of sexuality, beginning with the reproduction of
patriarchy, through psychological conditioning in the family, which operates in
all economic and cultural structures.
r
Late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries
Third-Wave
feminism is a feminist movement that began in the early 1990s. It seeks to
challenge and expand common definitions of gender and sexuality. Traits of
third-wave feminism includes queer theory, women-of-color consciousness,
post-colonialism, critical theory, transnationalism, and new feminist theories.
In particular, a post-structuralist interpretation of gender and sexuality is
central to third-wave feminism.
r Fourth-wave feminism
Fourth-wave
feminism refers
to a resurgence of interest in feminism that began around 2012 and is
associated with the use of social
media.[12]According
to feminist scholar Prudence Chamberlain, the focus of the fourth wave is
justice for women and opposition to sexual
harassment and violence against women.
Its essence, she writes, is "incredulity that certain attitudes can still
exist".[13]
Fourth-wave feminism is "defined by technology", according to Kira
Cochrane, and is characterized particularly by the use of Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, Tumblr,
and blogs such as Feministing to
challenge misogyny and further gender
equality.[14]
Issues that fourth-wave feminists focus on include street and workplace harassment, campus sexual assault and rape
culture. Scandals involving the harassment, abuse, and murder of
women and girls have galvanized the movement. These have included the
2012 Delhi gang rape,
2012 Jimmy Savile allegations,
the Bill Cosby allegations,
2014 Isla Vista killings,
2016 trial of Jian Ghomeshi,
2017 Harvey Weinstein allegations and
subsequent Weinstein effect,
and the 2017 Westminster sexual scandals.[15]
Examples of fourth-wave feminist campaigns include the Everyday Sexism Project, No
More Page 3, Stop
Bild Sexism, Mattress Performance, 10 Hours of Walking in NYC
as a Woman, #YesAllWomen, Free the Nipple, One Billion Rising,
the 2017 Women's March,
the 2018 Women's March,
and the #MeToo movement. In December
2017, Time magazine chose
several prominent female activists involved in the #MeToo movement, dubbed
"the silence breakers", as Person of the Year.[16]
r Post feminism
The term postfeminism is used to describe a range of
viewpoints reacting to feminism since the 1980s. While not being
"anti-feminist", postfeminists believe that women have achieved
second wave goals while being critical of third- and fourth-wave feminist goals.
The term was first used to describe a backlash against second-wave feminism,
but it is now a label for a wide range of theories that take critical
approaches to previous feminist discourses and includes challenges to the
second wave's ideas. Other postfeminists say that feminism is no longer
relevant to today's society.[17] Amelia Jones has written that the postfeminist texts which
emerged in the 1980s and 1990s portrayed second-wave feminism as a monolithic
entity.[18] Dorothy Chunn notes a
"blaming narrative" under the postfeminist moniker, where feminists
are undermined for continuing to make demands for gender equality in a "post-feminist"
society, where "gender equality has (already) been achieved."
According to Chunn, "many feminists have voiced disquiet about the ways in
which rights and equality discourses are now used against them."[19]
B.
Theories Of
Feminism
1. Liberal Feminism/Egalitarianism Feminism
Liberal feminism conceives of freedom
as personal autonomy—living a life of one's own choosing—and political
autonomy—being co-author of the conditions under which one lives. Liberal
feminists hold that the exercise of personal autonomy depends on certain
enabling conditions that are insufficiently present in women's lives, or that
social arrangements often fail to respect women's personal autonomy and other
elements of women's flourishing. They hold also that women's needs and
interests are insufficiently reflected in the basic conditions under which they
live, and that those conditions lack legitimacy because women are inadequately
represented in the processes of democratic self-determination. Liberal
feminists hold that autonomy deficits like these are due to the “gender system”
or the patriarchal nature of inherited traditions and institutions, and that
the women's movement should work to identify and remedy them. As the protection
and promotion of citizens' autonomy is the appropriate role of the state on the
liberal view, liberal feminists hold that the state can and should be the
women's movement's ally in promoting women's autonomy. There is disagreement
among liberal feminists, however, about the role of personal autonomy in the good
life, the appropriate role of the state, and how liberal feminism is to be
justified.
2. Marxist
Feminism
Marxist feminists challenge capitalism in ways that
facilitate new discourse and shed light on the status of women.[20] These women throughout history have used a range of
approaches in fighting hegemonic capitalism, which
reflect their different views on the optimal method of achieving liberation for
women. Marxist feminists include an analysis of other sources of oppression
beyond class that increase exploitation in a capitalist system while also
remaining critical of intersectionality theory for relying on bourgeois identity politics. [21]
3. Radical Feminism
Radical
feminists assert that society is a patriarchy in
which the class of men are the oppressors of the class of women. They propose
that the oppression of women is the most fundamental form of oppression, one
that has existed since the inception of humanity. As radical
feminist Ti-Grace Atkinson wrote
in her foundational piece "Radical Feminism" (1969):
“The
first dichotomous division of this mass [mankind] is said to have been on the
grounds of sex: male and female ... it was because half the human race
bears the burden of the reproductive process and because man, the ‘rational’
animal, had the wit to take advantage of that, that the child bearers, or the
'beasts of burden,' were corralled into a political class: equivocating the
biologically contingent burden into a political (or necessary) penalty, thereby
modifying these individuals’ definition from the human to the functional, or
animal.”[22]
Radical feminists believe that men (as a class) use social
systems and other methods of control to keep women (and non-dominant men)
suppressed. Radical feminists seek to abolish patriarchy by challenging
existing social norms and institutions, and believe that eliminating patriarchy
will liberate everyone from an unjust society. Ti-Grace Atkinson maintained
that the need for power fuels the male class to continue oppressing the female
class, arguing that "the need men have for the role of
oppressor is the source and foundation of all human oppression".[23]
4. Socialist
Feminism
Socialist feminists
propose the complete eradication of all political, economic and social
foundations of contemporary society. Specifically, education, work, sexuality
and parenting must undergo thorough transformations. Sexual division of labour,
which locks men and women into stereotypical occupational categories, must
cease. Women should be permitted, respected and valued for all types of work
within traditionally male as well as female fields, and adequately compensated
for such work. They should be free from economic and gender specific
constraints, even if it means reorganizing the family structure of sharing of
child rearing responsibilities. They should be also be reunited with the fruits
of their labour, by ending the alienation produced when they are forced to
tailor their goals, personalities, and very lives to the wishes of men.
Alienation refers to
relationships that are naturally interdependent but have been artificially
separated or placed in opposition. Socialist feminists have adopted the Marxist
concept of alienation to describe the situation of women in the world. Unlike
Marxist feminists who only consider alienation in the workplace, socialist
feminists also apply alienation to women's work in the home.
Socialist feminist
activism differs from other forms of feminist activism in that it focuses a
great deal on collaborating with other oppressed groups. Feminism has
frequently been condemned as exclusionary representing only white heterosexual
middle class women. But socialist feminists are inclusive, however. They
include all groups that suffer as a result of capitalism, male dominance, or
discrimination in their fight.
5. Cultural
Feminism
Cultural
feminism refers to a philosophy that men and women have different
approaches to the world around them, and that greater value should be placed on
the way women approach the world. In some cases, cultural feminism argues that
a woman's way of looking at the world is actually superior to men's. This
perspective aims to unite all women, regardless of ethnicity, race, class or
age.
The
essence of being a woman is what makes women special and different compared to
men, according to this view. This female essence includes a
greater emphasis on cooperation, relationships and peace, also referred to as
an ethic of care. Cultural feminists can either believe that being
more nurturing is biologically determined, or they might believe that this
trait was taught to them by society, or some combination of both.
III.
Equality
Much of the literature
defines feminism as being about equal rights for women or equality
between the sexes. Not only did feminism influence equality among genders, but
also in race. The Chicana Feminism Movement became politically active in the
search for female and lesbian equality within American society. It challenged
the roles of gender stereotypes.[24]
Using different
language, Riane Eisler, "re-examining human society from a gender-holistic
perspective", "proposed two basic models of society", "the
first being the dominator model, what is popularly termed
either patriarchy or matriarchy—the ranking of one half of
humanity over the other" and "the second, in which social relations
are primarily based on the principle of linking rather than
ranking, may best be described as the partnership model. In
this model—beginning with the most fundamental difference in our species,
between male and female—diversity is not equated with either inferiority or
superiority." "The problem is not men as a sex, but men and
women as they must be socialized in a dominator system."She advocated for
a gylany, a partnership linking the two genders, in lieu of the present and
historical androcracy.
Of
historical interest, Plato, according to Elaine Hoffman Baruch,
around 394 B.C., while believing that men ultimately would excel, argued
that women should be equal with men politically, socially, sexually,
educationally, and in military combat and should be able to enter the highest
class of society, that most gender differences could not be explained by
biology (Plato being one of the earliest published thinkers to say so), and
that a system of child care would free women to
participate in society.[25]
Some radical
feminists critiqued equality, denying that "equality in
an unjust society was worth fighting for".
Egalitarianism (from French égal,
meaning 'equal'), or equalitarianism,[26] is
a school of thought that
prioritizes equality for all people.[27] Egalitarian
doctrines maintain that all humans either should "get the same, or be
treated the same" in some respect such as social
status.[28]
Egalitarianism is a trend of thought in political philosophy. According to
the Merriam-Webster Dictionary,
the term has two distinct definitions in modern English,[29]
namely either as a political doctrine that
all people should be treated as equals and have the same political, economic, social and civil rights,[30] or
as a social philosophy advocating the removal of economic
inequalities among people, economic egalitarianism, or
the decentralization of power.
Some sources define egalitarianism as the point of view that equality reflects
the natural state of humanity.[31]
v Legal
Egalitarianism – Equality before law
Equality
before the law is a tenet of some branches of feminism. In
the 19th century, gender equality before the law was a radical goal, but some
later feminist views hold that formal legal equality is not enough to create
actual and social equality between women and men. An ideal of formal equality
may penalize women for failing to conform to a male norm while an ideal of
different treatment may reinforce sexist stereotypes.[32] In
1988, prior to serving as a Justice of the Supreme Court, Ruth Bader Ginsburg wrote:
"Generalizations about the way women or men are – my life experience bears
out – cannot guide me reliably in making decisions about particular
individuals. At least in the law, I have found no natural superiority or
deficiency in either sex. In class or in grading papers from 1963 to 1980, and
now in reading briefs and listening to arguments in court for over seventeen
years, I have detected no reliable indicator or distinctly male or surely
female thinking – even penmanship".[33]In
an American Civil Liberties
Union's Women's Rights Project in the 1970s, Ginsburg
challenged in Frontiero v. Richardson the
laws that gave health service benefits to wives of servicemen, but not to
husbands of servicewomen.[34] There
are over 150 national constitutions that currently mention equality regardless
of gender.[35]
·
Equality
of men and women in rights and responsibilities
An
example of this form is the Tunisian Constitution of 2014 which
provides that "men and women shall be equal in their rights and
duties". Gender equality, the motto "Liberté, égalité, fraternité" was
used during the French
Revolution and is still used as an official motto of the
French government. The 1789 Rights of Man and of the
Citizen French Constitution is framed also with
this basis in equal rights of mankind. The Declaration
of Independence of the United States is an example of an
assertion of equality of men as "All men are created equal" and
the wording of men and man is a reference to both men and women, i.e.
mankind. John Locke is
sometimes considered the founder of this form. Many state
constitutions in the United States also use rights of man language rather than
rights of person since the noun man has always been a reference to and an
inclusion of both men and women. It is generally accepted by egalitarians that
feminism falls under egalitarianism and that some feminists identify themselves
as egalitarian which under the broadly understood definition of the word is
equality for both men and women. Under various Indian Laws, women were given
several rights and those rights were guaranteed to be protected, which are as
follows:
Ø Constitutional Rights to Women
a)
The
state shall not discriminate against any citizen of India on the ground of sex
[Article 15(1)].
b)
The state is
empowered to make any special provision for women. In other words,
this provision enables the state to make affirmative discrimination in
favour of women [Article 15(3)].
c)
No citizen shall be
discriminated against or be ineligible for any employment or office under the
state on the ground of sex [Article 16(2)].
d)
Traffic in human
beings and forced labour are prohibited [Article 23(1)].
e)
The state to secure
for men and women equally the right to an adequate means of livelihood [Article 39(a)].
f)
The state to secure
equal pay for equal work for both Indian men and women [Article 39(d)].
g)
The state is required
to ensure that the health and strength of women workers are not abused and
that they are not forced by economic necessity to enter avocations unsuited to
their strength [Article 39(e)].
h)
The state shall make
provision for securing just and humane conditions of work and
maternity relief [Article 42].
i)
It shall be the duty
of every citizen of India to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity
of women [Article 51-A(e)].
j)
One-third of the
total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every Panchayat shall be
reserved for women [Article 243-D(3)].
k)
One-third of the
total number of offices of chairpersons in the Panchayats at each level
shall be reserved for women [Article 243-D(4)].
l)
One-third of the
total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every
Municipality shall be reserved for women [Article
243-T(3)].
m)
The offices of
chairpersons in the Municipalities shall be reserved for women in such
manner as the State Legislature may provide [Article 243-T(4)].
Ø Legal Rights to Women:
a)
Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act (2005) is a comprehensive legislation to protect
women in India from all forms of domestic violence. It also covers women who
have been/are in a relationship with the abuser and are subjected to
violence of any kind—physical, sexual, mental, verbal or emotional.
b)
Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act (1956) is the premier legislation for prevention
of trafficking for commercial sexual exploitation. In other words, it
prevents trafficking in women and girls for the purpose of prostitution as
an organised means of living.
c)
Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act (1986) prohibits indecent representation of women
through advertisements or in publications, writings, paintings, figures or in
any other manner.
d)
Commission of Sati (Prevention) Act (1987) provides for the more effective prevention of
the commission of sati and its glorification on women.
e)
Dowry Prohibition Act (1961) prohibits the giving or taking of dowry at or before or any
time after the marriage from women.
f)
Maternity
Benefit Act (1961) regulates the employment of women in certain
establishments for certain period before and after child-birth and
provides for maternity benefit and certain other benefits.
g)
Medical
Termination of Pregnancy Act (1971) provides
for the termination of certain pregnancies by registered medical
practitioners on humanitarian and medical grounds.
h)
Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Prohibition of
Sex Selection) Act (1994)prohibits
sex selection before or after conception and prevents the misuse of
pre-natal diagnostic techniques for sex determination leading to female
foeticide.
i)
Equal
Remuneration Act (1976) provides for payment of equal remuneration to both men
and women workers for same work or work of a similar nature. It also
prevents discrimination on the ground of sex, against women in recruitment
and service conditions.
j)
Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act (1939) grants a Muslim wife the right to seek
the dissolution of her marriage.
k)
Muslim
Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act (1986)protects the rights of
Muslim women who have been divorced by or have obtained divorce from their
husbands.
l)
Family
Courts Act (1984) provides for the establishment of Family Courts for
speedy settlement of family disputes.
m)
Indian Penal Code (1860) contains provisions to protect Indian women from dowry
death, rape, kidnapping, cruelty and other offences.
n)
Code
of Criminal Procedure (1973) has certain safeguards for women like obligation
of a person to maintain his wife, arrest of woman by female police and so
on.
o)
Indian Christian Marriage Act (1872) contain provisions relating to marriage and
divorce among the Christian community.
p)
Legal
Services Authorities Act (1987) provides for free legal services to Indian
women.
q)
Hindu Marriage Act (1955) introduced monogamy and allowed divorce on certain
specified grounds. It provided equal rights to Indian man and woman in
respect of marriage and divorce.
r)
Hindu
Succession Act (1956) recognizes the right of women to inherit parental
property equally with men.
s)
Minimum
Wages Act (1948) does not allow discrimination between male and female
workers or different minimum wages for them.
t)
Mines
Act (1952) and Factories Act
(1948) prohibits the employment of women between 7 P.M. to 6 A.M. in mines
and factories and provides for their safety and welfare.
u)
The
following other legislation’s also contain certain rights and safeguards for
women:
·
Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act (1976)
·
Legal Practitioners (Women) Act (1923)
·
Indian Succession Act (1925)
·
Indian Divorce Act (1869)
·
Parsi Marriage and Divorce Act (1936)
·
Special Marriage Act (1954)
·
Foreign Marriage Act (1969)
v) Hindu
Adoptions and Maintenance Act (1956).
w) National Commission for Women Act
(1990) provided for the establishment of a
National Commission for Women to study and monitor all matters relating to
the constitutional and legal rights and safeguards of women.
x) Sexual Harassment
of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal). Act (2013)provides
protection to women from sexual harassment at all workplaces both in
public and private sector, whether organised or unorganized.
v Core Concepts Of Equality
"Feminism makes claims for a
rebalancing between women and men of the social, economic, and political power
within a given society, on behalf of both sexes in the name of their common
humanity, but with respect for their differences."
When feminism and related words began being widely used in the 1890s
in Europe and the Western Hemisphere and continuing into modern times, the
terms' relationship to equality was often unclear. "Then, as now, many
parties used the terms polemically, as epithets, rather than analytically;
then, as now, the words were not used by everyone to mean the same thing. And,
as the study of their history reveals, they referred far more often to the
'rights of women' than to 'rights equal to those of men.' This is a subtle but
profound distinction. Even then the vocabulary of feminism connoted a far
broader socio-political critique, a critique that was woman-centred and
woman-celebratory in its onslaught on male privilege."
Feminist
author bell hooks wrote, "Masses of people think that feminism is
always and only about women seeking to be equal to men. The feminism they hear
about the most is portrayed by women who are primarily committed to gender
equality — equal pay for equal work, and sometimes women and men sharing
household chores and parenting." "Feminism is a movement to end
sexist oppression." Deborah Siegel uses the term "feminism"
in a general sense to refer to the philosophy powering a movement to eradicate
sexism and better women's lives.[36]
a)
Natural rights
17th
century natural law philosophers in
Britain and America, such as Thomas
Hobbes, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John
Locke, developed the theory
of natural rights in
reference to ancient philosophers such as Aristotle and
the Christian theologist Aquinas.
Like the ancient philosophers, 17th century natural law philosophers
defended slavery and an inferior status
of women in law.[37]
Relying on ancient Greek philosophers, natural law philosophers argued
that natural rights were
not derived from god, but were "universal, self-evident, and
intuitive", a law that could be found in nature. They believed that
natural rights were self-evident to "civilised man" who lives
"in the highest form of society".[38] Natural
rights derived from human
nature, a concept first established by the ancient
Greek philosopher Zeno
of Citium in Concerning Human Nature.
Zenon argued that each rational and civilized male Greek citizen had a
"divine spark" or "soul" within him that existed
independent of the body. Zeno founded the Stoic
philosophy and the idea of a human nature was adopted by other
Greek philosophers, and later natural
law philosophers and western humanists.
Aristotle developed the widely adopted idea of rationality,
arguing that man was a "rational animal" and as such a natural power
of reason. Concepts of human nature in ancient Greece depended on gender,
ethnic, and other qualifications[39] and
17th century natural law philosophers came to regard women along with children,
slaves and non-whites, as neither "rational" nor
"civilised".[40] Natural
law philosophers claimed the inferior status of women was "common
sense" and a matter of "nature". They believed that women
could not be treated as equal due to their "inner nature".[41] The
views of 17th century natural law philosophers were opposed in the 18th and
19th century by evangelical natural
theology philosophers such as William Wilberforce and Charles
Spurgeon, who argued for the abolition of slavery and
advocated for women to have rights equal to that of men.[42] Modern
natural law theorists, and advocates of natural rights, claim that all people
have a human nature, regardless of gender, ethnicity or other qualifications;
therefore all people have natural rights.[43]
b)
Equal Employment
Employment rights for
women include non-discriminatory access of women to jobs and equal pay. Leslie
Wah-Leung Chung (1917–2009), President of the Hong Kong Chinese Civil Servants'
Association (1965–68), contributed to the establishment of equal pay for
men and women, including the right for married women to be permanent employees.
Before this, the job status of a woman changed from permanent employee to
temporary employee once she was married, thus losing the pension benefit. Some
of them even lost their jobs. In India, equal pay for equal work is granted
under Article 39(d), In Randhir
Singh vs. Union of India,[44] the Supreme Court held that the
principle of "equal pay for equal work"
though not a fundamental right is certainly a constitutional goal and,
therefore, capable of enforcement through constitutional remedies under article
32 of the constitution. The doctrine of equal pay for equal work is equally
applicable to persons employed on daily wage basis. They are entitled to the
same wages as other permanent employees in the department employed to do the
identical work.[45] In State of Haryana vs. Rajpal
Sharma, 20 it has been held that the teachers employed in privately managed
aided schools in State of Haryana are entitled to same salary and dearness
allowances as is paid to teachers employed in government school.
In
some European countries, married women could not work without the consent of
their husbands until a few decades ago, for example in France until
1965[46] and
in Spain until
1975. In addition, marriage
bars, a practice adapted from the late 19th century to the
1970s across many countries, including Austria, Australia, Ireland, Canada, and
Switzerland, restricted married women from employment in many professions.[47]
A
key issue towards insuring gender equality in the workplace is the respecting
of maternity rights and reproductive rights of
women. Maternity leave (and paternity
leave in some countries) and parental
leave are temporary periods of absence from employment
granted immediately before and after childbirth in order to support the
mother's full recovery and grant time to care for the baby.[48]Different
countries have different rules regarding maternity leave, paternity leave and
parental leave. In the European
Union (EU) the policies vary significantly by country,
but the EU members must abide by the minimum standards of the Pregnant Workers Directive and Parental Leave Directive.[49]
c)
Right to Vote
During the 19th century some women began to ask for, demand,
and then agitate and demonstrate for the right to vote – the
right to participate in their government and its law making. Other women
opposed suffrage, like Helen Kendrick Johnson, who argued in the 1897 pamphlet Woman and the
Republic that women could achieve legal and economic equality without
having the vote. The ideals of women's suffrage developed
alongside that of universal suffrage and today women's suffrage is considered a right (under
the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
Against Women). During the 19th century
the right to vote was gradually extended in many countries, and women started
to campaign for their right to vote. In 1893 New Zealand became the first
country to give women the right to vote on a national level. Australia gave
women the right to vote in 1902. In India, under colonial rule, universal suffrage was granted in
1935. Other Asian countries gave women the right to vote in the mid 20th
century – Japan (1945), China (1947) and Indonesia (1955). In
Africa, women generally got the right to vote along with men through universal
suffrage – Liberia (1947), Uganda (1958) and Nigeria (1960). In many
countries in the Middle East universal suffrage was acquired after World War
II, although in others, such as Kuwait, suffrage is very
limited. On 16 May 2005, the Parliament of Kuwait extended suffrage to women by
a 35–23 vote.[50]
d)
Right to health
Health is
defined by the World Health Organization as "a state of complete physical,
mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or
infirmity". Women's health refers
to the health of women, which differs from that of men in many unique ways.
Women's health is severely impaired in some parts of the world, due to factors
such as inequality, confinement of women to the home, indifference of medical
workers, lack of autonomy of women, lack of financial resources of
women. Discrimination against women occurs also through denial of medical
services that are only needed by women. Violations of women's right to
health may result in maternal death,
accounting for more than 300.000 deaths per year, most of them in developing
countries. Certain traditional practices, such as female
genital mutilation, also affect women's health Worldwide, young
women and adolescent girls are the population most affected by HIV/AIDS.
e)
Freedom of
Movement
Freedom of movement is
an essential right, recognized by international instruments, including Article
15 (4) of CEDAW. Nevertheless, in many regions of the
world, women have this right severely restricted, in law or in practice. For
instance, in some countries women may not leave the home without a male guardian, or
without the consent of the husband – for example the personal law of Yemen
states that a wife must obey her husband and must not get out of the home
without his consent. Even in countries which do not have legal restrictions,
women's movement may be prevented in practice by social and religious norms
such as purdah. Laws restricting women
from travelling existed until relatively recently in some Western countries:
until 1983, in Australia the passport
application of a married woman had to be authorized by her husband.
Various
practices have been used historically to restrict women's freedom of movement,
such as foot binding, the custom of applying
painfully tight binding to the feet of young Chinese girls, which was common
between the 10th and 20th century.
Women's
freedom of movement may be restricted by laws, but it may also be restricted by
attitudes towards women in public spaces. In areas where it is not socially
accepted for women to leave the home, women who are outside may face abuse such
as insults, sexual harassment and violence. Many of the restrictions on women's
freedom of movement are framed as measures to "protect" women.[51] For
example, in the summer of 2017, an India women named Varnika Kundu shared a
story on Facebook about being stalked by two men late at night. Kundu was
coming home after a night out with friends when two men began following her.
Kundu made it home unharmed, but was understandably shaken after the incident.
She posted her story on Facebook, hoping to bring awareness and warn other
women, but was instead met with a backlash of trolls telling her she shouldn't
have been out that late and that it was her fault for being in that situation.
This incident spawned the #AintNoCinderella movement, where women all over the
world shared pictures of them being out past midnight with the hashtag in order
to combat gender stereotypes and bias.[52]
f)
Right to Education
g)
Reproductive Rights
h)
Matrimonial Rights
These were some rights which over the
years raised the bar of equality for both men and women.
r Ascending
Towards Equality
Feminism in practice can be
exhausting and expensive and other needs may compete for personal and
organizational resources. Pragmatism may encourage seeking lesser goals, such
as having more power than without feminism while not trying to seek full
equality.
According
to Alice Echols, "Carol Hanisch argued
that looking pretty and acting dumb was survival strategies which women should
continue to use until such time as the 'power of unity' could replace
them."
One
feminist leader, Ann Snitow, speculated that difference feminism became
preferred over gender
equality so that "men might be more responsive".[53]
In
the late 18th century in Britain, Mary Wollstonecraft wrote
in A Vindication of the Rights
of Woman of "asserting the rights which
women in common with men ought to contend for". "Let it not be
concluded that I wish to invert the order of things; I have already granted,
that, from the constitution of their bodies, men seem to be designed by
Providence to attain a greater degree of virtue. I speak collectively of the
whole sex; but I see not the shadow of a reason to conclude that their virtues
should differ in respect to their nature." "I would fain
convince reasonable men of the importance of some of my remarks, and prevail on
them to weigh dispassionately the whole tenor of my observations.—I appeal to
their understandings; and, as a fellow-creature, claim, in the name of my sex,
some interest in their hearts. I entreat them to assist to emancipate their
companion, to make her a help meet for them! Would men but
generously snap our chains, and be content with rational fellowship instead of
slavish obedience, they would find us more observant daughters, more
affectionate sisters, more faithful wives, more reasonable mothers—in a word,
better citizens."
Ø Trafficking
Protocol
The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish
Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children (also referred to as
the Trafficking Protocol or UN TIP Protocol) is a protocol to the Convention against Transnational Organised
Crime. It is one of the
three Palermo
protocols. Its purpose is
defined at Article 2. Statement of purpose as: "
(a)
To prevent and combat trafficking in persons, paying
particular attention to women and children;
(b)
To protect and assist the victims of such trafficking,
with full respect for their human rights; and
(c)
To promote cooperation among States Parties in order
to meet those objectives."[54]
Ø Forced marriage and slavery
The
1956 Supplementary
Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and
Practices Similar to Slavery defines "institutions
and practices similar to slavery" to include:[55]
Any institution or practice whereby:
i) A woman,
without the right to refuse, is promised or given in marriage on payment of a
consideration in money or in kind to her parents, guardian, family or any other
person or group; or
ii) The husband
of a woman, his family, or his clan, has the right to transfer her to another
person for value received or otherwise; or
iii) A woman on
the death of her husband is liable to be inherited by another person;
·
The Istanbul Convention requires countries which
ratify it to prohibit forced marriage (Article 37) and to ensure that forced
marriages can be easily voided without further victimization (Article 32).[56]
Ø Rape and sexual violence
Rape, sometimes called sexual assault, is an assault by a person
involving sexual
intercourse with
or sexual
penetration of
another person without that person's consent. Rape is generally considered a serious sex crime as well as a civil assault. When
part of a widespread and systematic practice, rape and sexual slavery are now recognised as a crime
against humanity as
well as a war crime. Rape is also now recognised as a form
of genocide when committed with the intent to destroy, in whole
or in part, a targeted group.
Ø United Nations Declaration
The Declaration
on the Elimination of Violence against Women was adopted by the United Nations in 1993. It defines violence against women as "any act of gender-based violence
that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological
harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or
arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private
life."[57] This resolution established that women have a
right to be free from violence. As a consequence of the resolution, in 1999,
the General Assembly declared the day of 25 November to be the International
Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women.
Article 2
of The Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women outlines
several forms of violence against women: Violence against women
shall be understood to encompass, but not be limited to, the following:
(a) Physical,
sexual and psychological violence occurring in the family, including battering, sexual
abuse of female children in the household, dowry-related
violence, marital rape, female genital mutilation and
other traditional practices harmful to women, non-spousal violence and violence
related to exploitation;
(b) Physical,
sexual and psychological violence occurring
within the general community, including rape, sexual
abuse, sexual
harassment and intimidation at work, in educational institutions
and elsewhere, trafficking in
women and forced prostitution;
(c) Physical,
sexual and psychological violence perpetrated or condoned by the State,
wherever it occurs.
Ø United Nations convention
The Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, adopted in 1948,
enshrines "the equal rights of men and women", and addressed both the
equality and equity issues.[253] In 1979, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) for legal implementation of
the Declaration
on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. Described as an international bill of
rights for women, it came into force on 3 September 1981. The UN member states that have not ratified the
convention are Iran, Palau, Somalia, Sudan, Tonga, and the United States. Niue and the Vatican City, which are non-member
states, have also not ratified it. The latest state to become a party to
the convention is South Sudan, on 30 April 2015. The Convention defines discrimination
against women in the following terms:
“Any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on
the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the
recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status,
on a basis of equality of men and women, of human rights and fundamental
freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other
field.”
·
It also
establishes an agenda of action for putting an end to sex-based discrimination
for which states ratifying the Convention are required to enshrine gender
equality into their domestic
legislation, repeal all discriminatory provisions in their laws, and enact new provisions
to guard against discrimination against women. They must also establish
tribunals and public institutions to guarantee women effective protection
against discrimination, and take steps to eliminate all forms of discrimination
practiced against women by individuals, organizations, and enterprises.[58]
Ø Marriage, divorce, and family law
Article 16 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights enshrines the right of consenting men and
women to marry and found a family.[253]
1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation
due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a
family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and
at its dissolution.
2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free
and full consent of the intending spouses.
3) The family is the natural and fundamental group
unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State.
·
Article
16 of CEDAW stipulates that,
"States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate
discrimination against women in all matters relating to marriage and family
relations".[59] Among the rights included are a woman's right
to freely and consensually choose her spouse; to have parental rights to her
children irrespective of her marital status; the right of a married woman to choose
a profession or an occupation, and to have property rights within marriage. In
addition to these, "The betrothal and the marriage of a child shall have
no legal effect".[257]
·
Polygamous marriage is a controversial practice, prevalent in some parts of the world.
The General recommendations made by the Committee on the Elimination of
Discrimination against Women, state at General Recommendation No. 21,
Equality in marriage and family relations "14.[...] Polygamous
marriage contravenes a woman's right to equality with men, and can have such
serious emotional and financial consequences for her and her dependents that
such marriages ought to be discouraged and prohibited."[60]
·
Cohabitation of unmarried couples as well as single
mothers are common in some parts
the world. The Human Rights Committee has stated:[61]
·
In giving
effect to recognition of the family in the context of article 23, it is
important to accept the concept of the various forms of family, including
unmarried couples and their children and single parents and their children and
to ensure the equal treatment of women in these contexts. Single parent
families frequently consist of a single woman caring for one or more children,
and States parties should describe what measures of support are in place to
enable her to discharge her parental functions on the basis of equality with a
man in a similar position."
Ø Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action
The Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, also known as VDPA, is a
human rights declaration adopted by consensus at the World Conference on Human Rights on 25 June 1993 in Vienna, Austria. This declaration recognizes women's rights as
being protected human rights. Paragraph 18 reads:[62]
"The human rights of women and of the girl-child are an
inalienable, integral and indivisible part of universal human rights. The full
and equal participation of women in political, civil, economic, social and
cultural life, at the national, regional and international levels, and the
eradication of all forms of discrimination on grounds of sex are priority
objectives of the international community".
Ø United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325
On 31 October 2000, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted United Nations Security Council
Resolution 1325, the first formal
and legal document from the United Nations Security Council that requires all
states to respectfully international humanitarian law and international human rights law applicable to the rights and protection of
women and girls during and after the armed
conflicts.
IV.
Conclusion
- Freedom Apart From Equality
Difference
feminism is
based on the assumption that women and men are different, that for women to be
equal to men means to be like men, which is not desirable.[63] Instead
of equality, difference feminism is based on women having freedom.
In
1916, Charlotte Perkins Gilman argued
for feminism without calling for "equality". Favoring women's
"freedom"[9] and
"fullness",[9] she
wrote, "feminism is the social
awakening of the women of all the world. It is that great movement which is
changing the centre of gravity in human life..... It is the movement for among
other goals women's full economic independence Anti-feminists speak in their
frantic fear of freedom for women."[9] She
wrote of essential differences between women and men, including in motherhood
and fatherhood, and that "feminists are women, plus: plus full human
endowment and activity."
Examples of organizations in the U.S. seeking equality
are the National
Women's Political Caucus (NWPC) and the National
Organization for Women (NOW) and, historically, the National Woman's Party (NWP). NOW, at its first national conference, in 1967, called for
equality, e.g., "Equal Rights Constitutional Amendment", "Equal
and Unsegregated Education", "Equal Job Training Opportunities",
"equal employment opportunity [to] be guaranteed to all women, as well as
men", "the right of women to be educated to their full potential
equally with men ... eliminating all discrimination and segregation by
sex", and "the right of women in poverty to secure job training,
housing, and family allowances on equal terms with men".[64]
[2] Echols (1989), pp. 289, citing
Snitow, Ann, Retrenchment vs. Transformation: The Politics of the
Anti-Pornography Movement, in Caught Looking: Feminism, Pornography
and Censorship (N.Y.: Caught Looking, 1986), pp. 11–12.
[3] Spender, Dale, For the Record: The Making and Meaning of Feminist Knowledge (London:
The Women's Press, 1985 (ISBN 0-7043-2862-3)), p. 151
(on institutions) but see p. 214 (antibureaucratic).
[4] Goldstein, Leslie F. (1982). "Early
Feminist Themes in French Utopian Socialism: The St.-Simonians and
Fourier". Journal of the History of Ideas. 43 (1):
91–108.
[5] Cott,
Nancy F. (1987). The
Grounding of Modern Feminism. New Haven: Yale University
Press. p. 13.
[6] "feminist". Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. 2012. (Subscription
required (help)). An advocate or supporter of the rights and
equality of women. 1852: De Bow's Review ('Our attention has
happened to fall upon Mrs. E. O. Smith, who is, we are informed, among the most
moderate of the feminist reformers!')
[7] "feminism". Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. 2012. (Subscription
required (help)). Advocacy of equality of the sexes and the
establishment of the political, social, and economic rights of the female sex;
the movement associated with this.”
[8] Walters, Margaret (2005). Feminism: A
very short introduction. Oxford University. pp. 1–176.
[9] Botting, Eileen Hunt; Houser, Sarah L. (2006). "'Drawing the Line of Equality': Hannah Mather
Crocker on Women's Rights". The American Political Science Review. 100 (2):
265–78.
[10] Humm, Maggie. 1995. The Dictionary of Feminist Theory.
Columbus: Ohio State University Press, p. 251
[11] Krolokke, Charlotte; Sorensen, Anne Scott (2005).
"Three Waves of Feminism: From Suffragettes to Grrls". Gender
Communication Theories and Analyses: From Silence to Performance. Sage.
p. 24.
[12] Cochrane, Kira (10 December 2013). "The Fourth Wave of Feminism: Meet the Rebel Women". The Guardian.
[13] Chamberlain, Prudence (2017). The
Feminist Fourth Wave: Affective Temporality. Cham: Springer. p. 115.
[14] Solomon, Deborah (13 November 2009). "The Blogger and Author on
the Life of Women Online". The New
York Times. Retrieved 16 March 2023.
[15] For Cosby, Ghomeshi, #MeToo, and fourth wave, see
Matheson, Kelsey (17 October 2017). "You
Said #MeToo. Now What Are We Going To Do About It?", The Huffington Post
[16] Redden, Molly, and agencies (6 December 2017). "#MeToo
movement named Time magazine’s Person of the Year", The Guardian.
[17] Modleski, Tania (1991). Feminism without
women: culture and criticism in a 'postfeminist' age. New York: Routledge.
p. 188.
[18] Jones, Amelia (1994). "Postfeminism, Feminist Pleasures, and
Embodied Theories of Art". In Frueh, Joana; Langer, Cassandra L.; Raven,
Arlene. New Feminist Criticism: Art, Identity, Action. New York:
HarperCollins. pp. 16–41, 20.
[19] Chunn, D. (2007). "Take it easy girls":
Feminism, equality, and social change in the media. In D. Chunn, S. Boyd, &
H. Lessard (E ds.), Reaction and resistance: Feminism, law, and social change
(pp. 31). Vancouver, BC: UBC Press.
[20] Hartmann, Heidi (1981), "The unhappy marriage
of Marxism and feminism: towards a more progressive union", in Sargent, Lydia, Women and revolution: a
discussion of the unhappy marriage of Marxism and Feminism, South End Press
Political Controversies Series, Boston, Massachusetts: South End Press, pp. 1–42
[21] Mitchell, Eve (2013). I
am a woman and a human: a Marxist feminist critique of intersectionality (pamphlet). Houston, NYC, and Atlanta: Unity and Struggle. Archived
from the original on 2017-05-29.
[24] Freedman, Estelle B.
(2003). No Turning Back: The History
of Feminism and the Future of Women. London: Ballantine Books; Cott, Nancy F. (1987). The Grounding of Modern
Feminism (2nd
ed.). New Haven: Yale University Press; Cornell, Drucilla (1998). At the Heart of Freedom:
Feminism, Sex, and Equality. Princeton University Press. p. X; Kimmel, Michael (1993).
"Who's Afraid of Men Doing Feminism?". In Digby, Tom. Men Doing
Feminism. New York: Routledge. pp. 57–68; DuBois, Ellen Carol
(1999). Feminism and suffrage: the emergence of an independent women's
movement in America, 1848–1869. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press;
Voet, Maria Christine Bernadetta (1998). Feminism and Citizenship. London
[25] Schönpflug (2008), pp. 159–160, citing Rohrlich, R. & Elaine Hoffman
Baruch, Women in Search of Utopia: Mavericks and Mythmakers (N.Y.:
Schocken Books, 1984), and Plato, The Republic (ca. 394
B.C.).
[28] Arneson, Richard (2002). [http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/egalitarianism"Egalitarianism". Stanford Encyclopedia of
Philosophy.
[31] Erdal, D.; Whiten, A. (1996). "Egalitarianism and
Machiavellian Intelligence in Human Evolution" in Mellars, P.; Gibson, K.
(eds.). Modeling the Early Human Mind. Cambridge MacDonald
Monograph Series.
[32] Jaggar, Alison. (1994) "Part One: Equality.
Introduction." In Living with Contradictions: Controversies in Feminist Social
Ethics. Boulder, CO: Westview
Press.
[34] O'Dea, Suzanne. From Suffrage to the Senate: An
Encyclopedia of American Women in Politics, ABC-CLIO, 1999
[35] "Read
about "Equality regardless of gender" on Constitute". constituteproject.org. Retrieved 31 March 2023.
[36] Siegel, Deborah, Sisterhood, Interrupted: From
Radical Women to Grrls Gone Wild (N.Y.: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007 (ISBN 978-1-4039-8204-9)), p. 15.
[37] Morey, Dr Robert A. (2010). The
Bible, Natural theology and Natural Law: Conflict Or Compromise?. Xulon Press. p. 282.
[38] Morey, Dr Robert A. (2010). The
Bible, Natural theology and Natural Law: Conflict Or Compromise?. Xulon Press. p. 297.
[39] Morey, Dr Robert A. (2010). The
Bible, Natural theology and Natural Law: Conflict Or Compromise?. Xulon Press. p. 212.
[40] Morey, Dr Robert A. (2010). The
Bible, Natural theology and Natural Law: Conflict Or Compromise?. Xulon Press. p. 297.
[41] Morey, Dr Robert A. (2010). The
Bible, Natural theology and Natural Law: Conflict Or Compromise?. Xulon Press. p. 282.
[42] Morey, Dr Robert A. (2010). The
Bible, Natural theology and Natural Law: Conflict Or Compromise?. Xulon Press. p. 282.
[44] AIR 1982 SC 879.
[45] Daily Rated Casual Labour vs.
Union of India, (1988) SCC 122
[46] Guillaumin, Colette (1994). Racism, Sexism, Power,
and Ideology. pp. 193–95.
[47] "Standard Grade
Bitesize History – Women and work : Revision, p. 3". bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 8 October 2023.
[48] Baker, Michael; Kevin Milligan (2008). "How Does
Job-Protected Maternity Leave Affect Mothers' Employment?". Journal
of Labor Economics. 26 (4): 655–91.
[50] "Kuwait
grants women right to vote" CNN.com (May 16, 2005)". CNN. 16 May 2005.
Retrieved 30 August 2023.
[53] Echols (1989),
pp. 289, citing Snitow, Ann, Retrenchment vs. Transformation: The
Politics of the Anti-Pornography Movement, in Caught Looking: Feminism,
Pornography and Censorship (N.Y.: Caught Looking, 1986), pp. 11–12.
[54] "United Nations Convention Against Transnational
Organized Crime And The Protocols Thereto" (PDF). Retrieved 18 July 2023.
[56] "Council
of Europe – Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and
domestic violence (CETS No. 210)". coe.int. Retrieved 8 October 2023.
[57] United Nations General Assembly. "A/RES/48/104
– Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women – UN Documents:
Gathering a body of global agreements". un-documents.net. Retrieved 8 October 2023.
[60] "General recommendations made by the Committee on the
Elimination of Discrimination against Women". un.org. Retrieved 8 October 2023.
[63] Gilman, Charlotte Perkins, What is
"Feminism"?, in The Sunday Herald, Sep. 3, 1916,
[§] Magazine, p. [7] [of §], of The Boston Herald (Boston,
Mass.).
[64] NOW (National
Organization for Women) Bill of Rights, in Morgan, Robin, ed., Sisterhood is Powerful: An
Anthology of Writings From the Women's Liberation Movement (N.Y.: Random House,
1st ed. 1970), pp. 512–513 (§ Historical Documents) ("adopted
at NOW's first national conference, Washington, D.C., 1967", per id.,
p. 512).