Open Access Research Article

THE ROLE AND IMPACT OF MEDIA IN ELECTORAL PROCESSES (By-Dr. Sushma Sharma & Subodhika Sharma)

Author(s):
Dr. Sushma Sharma Subodhika Sharma
Journal IJLRA
ISSN 2582-6433
Published 2022/09/05
Access Open Access
Volume 2
Issue 7

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THE ROLE AND IMPACT OF MEDIA IN ELECTORAL PROCESSES
Authored By-Dr. Sushma Sharma & Subodhika Sharma
 
Abstract
Election is the process through which the nation’s will as to who should form the next government is expressed. As such it symbolises the sovereignty of the people. It invests the government with the consent of the people, and further, imparts continuity to it, by ensuring peaceful and orderly replacement of government. Thus, election by itself forms an important process of democracy; indeed, it is its touchstone. Free and fair elections are sine qua non of any good government which professes to be based on people’s will.
 
The heart of India’s democratic system witnesses regular elections with the participation of the largest electorate in the world. But for some time now, the fairness in the functioning of the political parties and electoral process has come to be diluted. It has been witnessed that increase in the electoral corrupt practices and electoral offences are the major factors which are affecting and corroding our electoral process, thereby shaking the very foundations of our democracy.
 
It is a popular saying that ‘free press is essential to a free society’. The media, print, electronic and social, as a powerful disseminator of information and tool of communication drastically shapes public opinion. A media that is responsible will help strengthen the democratic process and contribute to a more credible and inclusive election, whereas a media which can be captured or co-opted by a particular interest or party may be used to sway public opinion for or against issues, groups or candidates thereby fuelling election-related conflict and violence.
 
More recently, it is being witnessed that a large part of the battle for the Lok Sabha and the Legislative Assemblies elections are being fought from digital war-rooms, like the news rooms and social media platforms, and apprehension looms large over how the election authorities will
 
 
 
track and regulate the content over such platforms. Further, paid news, media bias, media houses ownership by political affiliations, selective election coverage, partisan reporting, targeted political advertising, polarising studio discussions during ‘primetime’ television affect the entire electoral process starting with the conception of the electoral system and elaboration of its legal framework.
 
Because of its power to influence and inform, the media is expected to play an informed, watchdog role and keep citizens up to date on electoral issues, on the positions of candidates and the how and whys of voting. Adherence to the basic journalistic standards of integrity and expectations for balanced, accurate reporting is non-negotiable. An independent, unbiased press has no substitute and its role is crucial in pushing through electoral reforms.
The primary objective of this paper is to explore the dynamic and complex relationship between media and elections.
 
Keywords: free and fair election, role of media, paid news, social media, media bias
 
Introduction
Elections are the centrepiece of democracy. Through voting, people can voice their opinions, express their hopes and aspirations, discipline their leaders, and ultimately control their nation's destiny. Hence, elections are the public’s source of power.
The mainstream media (in all its forms), sometimes known as the Fourth Pillar of democracy, plays a vital role in elections and oversight of government actions. It influences public opinion and keeps the powerful in check by seeking transparency in their actions, thereby preventing governments from turning despotic. Democracy requires that the media be inclusive and supervise public policy in order to be considered as universal vehicles of information. A free media is considered the watchdog of the government.
The media also have other roles in enabling full public participation in elections:
§  by educating voters on how to exercise their democratic rights;
§  by reporting on the development of an election campaign;
§  by providing a platform for the political parties and candidates to communicate their message to the electorate;
 
§  by providing a platform for the public to communicate their concerns, opinions, and needs, to the parties/candidates, the government, and to other voters, and to interact on these issues;
§  by allowing the parties and candidates to debate with each other;
§  by reporting results and monitoring vote counting;
§  by scrutinizing the electoral process itself, including electoral management, in order to evaluate the fairness of the process, its efficiency, and its probity;
§  by providing information that, as far as possible, avoids inflammatory language, helping to prevent election-related violence.[1]
 
A report by the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies sums up effectively the role of media as: “The media plays a major role in keeping the citizenry abreast of current events and raising awareness of various issues in any society. It also has an extremely significant impact on the public’s views and way of thinking. The media is the primary means through which public opinion is shaped and at times manipulated. If this is the media’s role then in normal course of events, it becomes even more vital in exceptional periods, one of which is electoral junctures, when the media becomes a primary player. Elections constitute a basic challenge to the media, putting its impartiality and objectivity to the test. The task of the media, especially national media outlets, is not and should not be to function as a mouthpiece for any government body or particular candidate. Its basic role is to enlighten and educate the public and act as a neutral, objective platform for the free debate of all points of view.”[2]
Biased Media Coverage
The media transmit campaign propaganda to large numbers of people. In news broadcasts and news columns they report directly or in paraphrase what campaigners say. They sell campaigners time and space for advertising their wares. They make it possible for the politician to reach more people, quicker and more cheaply, than he could in any other way.
However the media may and at times does transmit propaganda selectively.
 
 
 
 This is most apparent when media executives pare the propagandist’s prodigious output to fit into the time and space they allot to reporting public affairs. They also exercise discretion when they sell time and space to political groups, however; they can refuse, and have refused, to accept advertising by minor parties. More than anything else, it is this ability of media personnel to determine media content that makes them political actors in their own right.[3]
The media transmit propaganda in certain conventional formats. Newspapers present campaign messages in news columns, news features, advertisements, and occasionally in full transcript. Television and radio present them in fifteen and five minute newscasts; in standard time periods offered for sale; and in interviews, documentaries, panel shows, and debates. Magazines feature weekly summaries, interviews, picture stories. This matters because the formats that the mass media provide for political communication are not just different ways to present the same things. They lead politicians to say things differently and to say different things.[4]
Furthermore, the media present campaign propaganda in the context of materials they themselves originate: their opinions about who ought to win; discussions of public policy issues; reports on campaign organization and methods; personality sketches of the candidates; lecturettes on the duties of voters and rules of fair play for candidates; observations on who seems to be winning and why. There is a mass of such material, implicit or explicit, that is replete with partisan preferences.[5]
 
Elections And Social Media
The   increasing   digitalization   of   societies   across   the   world   has   led   to   unprecedented opportunities to seek, receive and impart political information and ideas, which are the lifeblood of elections. The Internet, and in particular social media and social messaging, have changed the way politicians, political parties  and  the  electorate  communicate  with  each  other,  with  the  chance  of  being  more  direct  and  quicker  than  at  any  point  in  history.  The  accuracy  of  information  can  be  checked  and  corrected  faster,  more  thoroughly  and  by  a  greater number of actors than ever before.
 
 
 
Social media played a prominent role during the 2019 Indian general elections as political parties, politicians, and supporters (real or otherwise) used it extensively for political campaigning and communication. Following the global trend, social media has been increasingly used by Indian political actors for routine political communication between elections to provide unmediated and direct communication to connect leaders and citizenry, and to re-energise the political landscape in the country. While Indian politics has become more inclusive thanks to social media by allowing citizens who were previously excluded from politics due to location and demography to participate directly in the process, the 2019 general election stands out for unprecedented lows in public discourse, the pervasiveness of false news and misinformation, and a habitual disregard for ethical standards in political communication.[6]
The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting under the Government of India declared that social media needs to be regulated. Prior to the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the Election Commission had a made few guidelines to regulate social media and had made it mandatory for the candidates and political parties to declare the amount spent on digital campaigning and also to authenticate the pages belonging to the party and its candidates. The Commission also made it necessary to certify the advertisements prior to publishing them on social media. However, these guidelines were only laid down to regulate the pages of political parties and candidates and not those of the public. 
Prior to the 2019 elections, the Election Commission said that the model code of conduct would apply even to social media and online campaigning on various platforms. These guidelines were implemented after meeting with the Industry Body Internet and Mobile Association of India (IAMAI). The EC also mentioned that any violations on social media would be processed under the provisions of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 and S. 126 of the Act would be applicable. It also made it mandatory for the candidates to mention their pages and their party pages in the nomination papers before the election.[7]
 
 
 
 
 
India’s Hybrid Media System
Chadwick provides a compelling analysis of the complexity of hybrid media systems in which political life is mediated through the web of networked actions involving offline and online communication as well as grassroots activism.[8] The arrival of newer media does not displace older media but instead facilitates the emergence of a hybridized media system. Mobile phones are a good example of this phenomenon; once only used for communication between two people, they have now become multimedia devices that are used for a plethora of activities including social communication. Yet, research has also shown that the Internet is far from revolutionary and democratizing given that the medium has largely benefited those elite political actors who were active in the mass media era.[9] The new hybrid media ecology, in which traditional journalistic processes compete with new citizen driven digital media, also makes it difficult to identify the creators and sponsors of media frames of events or news.[10] The context in which similar developments in the shift to a hybrid media system are occurring in India is made more complex because the country has not one but several media systems and party systems, based on particular regional configurations of competition. India’s complexity is both driven by, and to a great extent reinforced by, the nature of the growing news market, which is occupied by multiple vernacular Indian languages as well as English.[11] Regular (short messaging service [SMS] capable) mobile phones are important for our understanding of information flows and symbiotic relationships among all actors in the 2014 electoral campaign. About 70 percent of all Internet users in India accessed the web via smartphones in 2014.[12] The significance of mobile phones and access to social media applications was by no means lost to the political parties during the campaign. The use of Twitter on smartphones and texting via SMS on both regular cell phones and smartphones to influence and shape campaign information flows was widely witnessed and reported, especially in urban constituencies.[13]
 
Research found that the BJP tactfully utilized the emerging hybridity and successfully bypassed the traditional news media, which they viewed as inimical toward the party, to reach out to their supporters.[14] The comparatively low internet penetration rate in India has led many political analysts to discount the capacity of the social media to have any significant impact on political communication. But such a view ignores the convergence and interconnectivity between newer and older media and the ways they influence each other. Current affairs prime-time television programs during the campaign were broadcasting live tweets on the screen during talk shows and interviews with political actors that at times influenced the discussion, and viewers without access to social media were made aware of social media. Political parties now tailor their content for multiple forms of consumption that can be reappropriated and reassembled in different platforms to suit the requirements of a particular medium, a process that Howard refers to as a hypermedia campaign in which communication is relayed simultaneously across a wide range of outlets.[15] Although the internet and cell phones were embedded in campaign strategies in India in 2014, the internet had not reduced the importance of grassroots campaigning characterized by face-to-face contact with political parties on the streets and their door-to-door canvasing. Parties in India’s cities often set up booths in the vicinity of one another and shout out to passers-by to take a leaflet, rather like a vendor shouts to attract customers in a traditional outdoor market. And just as in the market, many shoppers have a look at what is on offer from the different vendors. Large billboards on the roads and posters on the streets are also important and play a major role, and political parties compete for space in the best strategic locations for their advertising. The parties also rely heavily in terms of advertising spent on traditional media, including newspapers, television, and radio, the last of which reaches an estimated 158 million listeners and was an important venue for the BJP ad spend in 2014.
 
The 2014 And 2019 Lok Sabha Campaigns
Unprecedented developments came together just months before the election campaign’s official launch in March 2014 -  the recognition that millions of young people would be eligible to vote for the first time, a group that is more inclined to obtain political information online, the growth of internet access particularly in the cities, and the growing use of new media and social networks
 
 
especially by young adults, including the vast majority who were without smartphones. And for those with smartphones but who lacked an expensive data package, it was not an impediment to having a Facebook page as mobile phone companies were offering Facebook access at a nominal price of rupee 1.
The Election Commission of India runs the national elections that are held in multiple phases to guarantee voter security at the polls. As India voted in nine phases in 2014, one could argue that there were nine different campaigns. There is a national ban on reporting exit polls, which minimizes bandwagon effects in subsequent phases of voting. Opinion polls were permitted and were the subject of much discussion in the prime-time shows in different news channels, as well as in newspapers and on social media. By late April and early May, there were debates on whether there was a “Modi wave, or Modi hype” in the media.[16] Sentiment scores for political parties and leaders were published daily throughout the campaign in many newspapers, on television, and online news and aggregation sites.
Different party leaders were the subject of most public opinion polls in January 2014 and these leaders were emphasized to varying degrees in each party’s national strategy. At the same time, given the fact that India does not have a one party system, local strategies could be expected to vary. From the outset, across the country, the AAP and the BJP emphasized the competencies and strong personalities of their party leaders, touting their prime ministerial potential. However, the INC’s Rahul Gandhi had early on announced that he wanted to run the campaign but did not want to be considered as the INC prime ministerial candidate even though his name was used by pollsters along with Mr. Kejriwal’s and Mr. Modi’s in the “most favored Prime Minister” question. The BJP announced early on that the party had identified 160 “digital constituencies” ripe for a digital strategy, many of which were in urban areas in which the party could communicate online via a social networking service (SNS) to a sufficient number of volunteers and potential supporters so that a robust digital strategy would accompany the BJP’s more traditional channels of campaigning, which included SMS messaging on regular cell phones. The 160 seats, including all constituencies in eight states, were those in which digital would be “an amplifier and booster” to traditional campaigning tools.[17]
 
 
The BJP then developed a way to play speeches on regular mobile phones and distribute their prime ministerial candidate’s tweets via SMS text messaging to those who could not access the Internet. The BJP’s 2014 digital campaign strategy was marked by online and related activities, while both BJP and INC used online tools to track and predict vote support.[18] All parties also utilized the local innovation of the “missed call” advertising strategy to engage and gain supporters.[19] The BJP’s “Mission 272+” involved a national program of volunteers who communicated daily with the platform’s national headquarters in Bengaluru to build a database of cell numbers from supporters who could then receive SMS messages, calls, and invitations from the party. In comparison with the BJP’s central strategy and platform, the AAP’s national strategy appeared to ride even more on the reputation of their own party’s leader, than on any central implementation of a campaign strategy. Mr. Gandhi was much less evident online, focused more on traditional media, and lacked a clear digital strategy.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Conclusion
 
The conduct of any election without a very substantial involvement of the country’s vibrant media cannot be imagined. The media has been a force multiplier in the delivery of free and fair polls each time and is to be lauded for its role in dissemination of important information, for effective enforcement and for creating an aware electorate. At the same time, elections are conducted on the basis of laws, instructions and stipulated procedures and some of these touch upon media and media practices, particularly during election campaigns by political parties and candidates. The wave of information explosion mostly through digital platforms, poses a new kind of challenge in elections. Keeping in mind these challenges and the need for a level playing field, Election Commission of India, in coordination with various regulatory/self-regulatory authorities of media organisations - Press Council of India (Print Media), News Broadcasters Association (participating Electronic Media channels) and Internet and Mobile Association of India, (IAMAI and participating Social Media platforms) should strive to deal with the new and complex challenges and ensure free and fair elections and purity in election processes. However, it is to be kept in mind that such measures must not rise to the extent of curtailing the freedom of media which is an integral part and parcel of the Freedom of Speech & Expression under Article 19(1)(a).
The success of any measure depends upon the working of and adherence to the system on the part of the electoral machinery at all levels and with the involvement of all stakeholders. In a democracy, there are several entities that function as the forum for debate and discussions. Intellectual think tanks, educational institutions and civil society organisations may be an independent option to organise open debates relating to the constructive role of media.
The fact that a credible and responsible media and informed public opinion have no alternative in a democratic set up cannot be lost sight of.
 

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International Journal for Legal Research and Analysis

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