Institutionalized Arbitration: The Need Of The Hour by - Nihshank Upadhyay
Institutionalized Arbitration:
The Need Of The Hour
Authored by - Nihshank Upadhyay
ABSTRACT
Over the past ten years, India has made efforts
to become the centre for arbitration. In order to establish New Delhi
International Arbitration Centre (NDIAC) as a reliable institution for both
domestic and international arbitrations, the Central Government first took
control of ICADR through an ordinance and then through an enactment, namely the
New Delhi International Arbitration Centre Act, 2019. (NDIAC Act). The
Madras High Court recognised the Nani Palkhivala Arbitration Centre (NPAC) as
an institution under Section 11(b) of the Act in 2005. The Delhi International
Arbitration Centre (DIAC), which was annexed to the Delhi High Court in 2009,
and the Society for Affordable Redressal of Disputes (SAROD), a joint
initiative of the National Highways Authority of India and National Highway.
The Gujarat High Court very recently opened its institute for
arbitrators.
Despite the above-mentioned advancements, it is
a well-known truth that ad hoc arbitration still predominates in India. Since
the parties can select the dispute settlement process, ad hoc arbitrations are
viewed as flexible. To establish the arbitration rules in this situation, the
parties would need to put in more work, cooperate more, and have more
knowledge. Ad hoc arbitration is supposed to be cost-effective because only the
parties are responsible for covering the costs of the arbitrators, attorneys'
fees, and arbitral expenses. Contrary to popular opinion, in this paper, I
argue that India needs to transition from an ad hoc to an institutionalized
form of arbitration as institutionalized arbitration stands as the need of the
hour.
KEYWORDS : Institutionalized,
Ad hoc, BN Srikrishna committee report, arbitration
METHODOLOGY
It is a
fact that India is highly reliant on ad hoc arbitration today and as an
inquisitor one has to rely on the practices prevalent in other countries to
demonstrate the benefits of institutionalized arbitration in actual practice.
Provisions of the arbitration and conciliation act have been used to substantiate
the arguments made concerning judicial intervention in Indian arbitration. The BN Srikrishna committee report[1]
is heavily used in the study while analysing the suggestions made in light of
institutionalised arbitration. The paper also relies on articles from jstor for
facts and comprehension of key concepts. The associational approach has made
full use of the different categories of arbitration, especially while making
comparisons between the Adhoc and institutionalized arbitration. The analytical
method is based on a probabilistic approach. It suggests that one occurrence
may occur more frequently than the other event. To get as close to the truth as
feasible, the principle of parsimony has been used.
INTRODUCTION
Institutionalized arbitration[2]
is understood as a process wherein an institution is chosen to oversee the
arbitration process completely. In case a dispute arises, the arbitration
agreement provides for the selection of an arbitral institution. The parties
are required to make a written submission to the institution. The institution
then appoints a panel of arbitrators, and the regulations of the institution
are upheld and obeyed throughout the proceedings. Most institutions have their
own set of guidelines, but when they don't, UNICTRAL standards are observed.
The selection of arbitrators is typically dependent on the dispute's subject
matter.
WHY INSTITUTIONAL ARBITRATION?
Institutional arbitration offers certainty concerning procedure and
administration. The parties get the
benefit of relying on a tried and tested method. Article 21 (2) of the ICC
rules states that if one of the parties fails to appear for the proceeding and
cannot give a reasonable explanation for the same, then the tribunal shall go
ahead with the proceedings. Even section 14 of the New Delhi International
Arbitration Centre mentions the significance of laying down the parameters for
the panels of accredited arbitrators, conciliators, and mediators. For example,
in the case of MCIA, they are alone empowered to appoint arbitrators. The
party-appointed arbitrators are also subject to the discretion of the
institution and its council. Institutionalized arbitration also offers the
benefit of active professional administration service. To ensure the smooth
running of the proceedings they offer supervision and monitoring of the
arbitration proceedings.
ADHOC VS INSTITUTIONAL ARBITRATION
There are two sorts of arbitration:
institutionalised and ad hoc[3].
An organisation like the ICC, LCIA, or DIFC does not oversee ad hoc
arbitration. The parties must agree on every detail of the arbitration. This
covers the selection and method of appointing the arbitral tribunal, the law
that will apply, how the arbitration will be conducted, and administrative
assistance provided without the need for an arbitral institution. The fact that
the additional expenses do not have to be paid to the arbitral institution
gives the impression that it is a well-liked option. Arbitration in India is incontrovertibly
linked to ad hoc arbitration.
The perception is a far cry from the reality[4].
Ad hoc arbitration may be less expensive for the parties at the outset and go
more quickly. Ad hoc arbitration, though, has been complicated by drawn-out
legal processes in India. In consequence, arbitration fees go up as a result.
The primary goal of the establishment of arbitration in the first place was to
promote a less expensive and more expeditious alternative to going to court to
resolve disputes. The partner of Nitish Desai and associates[5],
Vyaspak Deshai, noted that arbitration proceedings can bring finality to a
significant degree. Interference with arbitral awards is only permitted in
certain circumstances and must follow the rules outlined in Section 34 of the
Arbitration Act. The entire argument is that if arbitration starts to resemble
the courts, its very foundation would start to crumble. That is precisely what
is happening with the additional time and cost.
It is
important to remember that, in the event that a dispute arises and the parties
decide to use ad hoc arbitration, collaboration between the two parties becomes
essential. There is no one-size-fits-all solution in this situation, therefore
it follows that cooperation between the parties may be challenging if the
relationship in each of their individual roles has soured. The arbitration then
becomes vulnerable to obstructive tactics by the parties. Parties still have
the option to resort to applicable procedural laws but it is just going to add
to the time-consuming process. At the end of the day let's not forget that
commercial arbitration does not operate in a vacuum and we need to look at
practical connotations like these while undertaking a comparative study of the
Adhoc and institutionalized arbitration.
INDIA: GLOBAL HUB FOR ARBITRATION?
Policymakers have prioritised promoting India as a centre for
arbitration, particularly over the past two decades[6].
The comparison between ad hoc and institutional arbitration has made it quite
evident that parties prefer institutional arbitration globally. Institutions
like the London Court of International Arbitration and the Singapore
International Arbitration Centre have become significantly more well-known over
time. It must be noted that India started early back in the 1960s with the
acceptance of the New York Convention. However, let’s not forget that the
country reeks of the duality syndrome. The duality syndrome provides for
institutionalized arbitration but there is always an evident scope for adopting
ad hoc arbitration.
The
current status of institutionalized arbitration in India indicates that the
call for India to be a global hub for arbitration is implausible in the near
future. Around 35 arbitral institutions are functioning in India. The Center
for Alternative Dispute Resolution, which is housed under the Indian Ministry
of Law and Justice, was established back in 1995. A private organisation
registered as a company is the Nani Palkhiwala Arbitration Centre in Chennai.
The Mumbai Centre for International Arbitration was established by the
Maharashtra government. While there may be micro-level institutions functioning
in the country to promote arbitration there is not even a single arbitration
seat that can claim to have an international or global reputation.
JUSTICE B.N KRISHAN COMMITTEE[7]
On December 29, 2016, the Indian government
established a high-level committee, which was presided over by retired supreme
court justice B.N. Srikrishna. It was in line with the promotion of India as a
preferred seat of arbitration. The committee conducted 7 sittings and submitted
its report to the Indian Law minister. The establishment of the Arbitration
Promotion Council of India was the key suggestion made by the Srikrishna committee
for institutionalised arbitration to flourish and to improve the general
quality of arbitration in India. It was divided into three components.
To
categorise and rate all the arbitral institutions in India, the Arbitration
Promotion Council of India would be established as an autonomous body with
representatives from all parties. The council could recognize professional
institutes that shall provide accreditation of arbitrators. They may further
conduct workshops and engage in deliberation with law firms and schools to
train people interested in arbitration. The idea was also to maximize awareness
and allow greater access to practitioners, students, etc for institutionalized
arbitration. The main goal here could be to create a specialist arbitration bar
comprising advocates that will be dedicated to the field. The committee also
recommended the adoption of international practices to make arbitration
speedier alongside proposing changes to the 2015 amendment in the Arbitration
and Conciliation Act.
The recommendation to the 2015 Amendment Act is
extremely important to us because it aims to expedite the arbitration process
and decrease the number of cases that are left open for an extended period of
time. Section 29B was amended by the committee to include a six-month period
for arbitrators to be referred. As a result, the parties could choose a
fast-track arbitration process in which the awards would be given out within
the predetermined time frame. Additionally, it was meant to set a timetable for
the arbitral awards. As per the provision, 12 months were to be applicable for
domestic awards. An extension of 6 months was only to be added after permission
of the court and that too shall be done before the expiration of 12 months. The
involvement of the Indian courts should be limited.
2019 AMENDMENT ACT AND ITS
CRITICAL ANALYSIS
The 2019
act[8]
came into force on 30th August 2019 which was based on the recommendations of
the Srikrishna committee. The Arbitration Council of India is to be established
as an independent body. It has been provided a wide range of powers for grading
the arbitral institutions. It has to act as the centrifugal point of an
eco-system of arbitrators thus regulating, training, and recognizing arbitral
institutions. The members within these institutions were to be appointed by the
central government. It was supposed to include practitioners, representatives,
judges, and industry representatives.
While
setting up the arbitration council of India is a progressive step it has two
major concerns about the act. First, if we were to read the 2019 amendment it
allows for the government to remove a member on the grounds of abusing the
position. However, the term abuse of position has not been defined in the
statute. It opens room for executive despotism or arbitrary exercise of powers
to remove a member. Whether the council will be able to work independently from
the control of the government is a serious question. It might lead to a
conflict of interest between the council and the government. In case the
government finds direct representation in the council then a particular party
might be favoured over the other depending upon its relations with the
government.
The fundamental issue with establishing the
Arbitration Council of India in accordance with the amendment's instructions is
that it ignores the issue of multiple institutions. The number of institutions
that were to be established and the criteria used to select them is rarely
clear. Whether one should consider the regions, the practices, or both? A
better explanation of the problem would have been in keeping with Niti Aayog's
advice. In its conference on arbitration, the body unanimously recommended that
India needs to have regional offices of arbitration that all converge to one
central arbitration institution.
The amendment fails to recognise that a nation
like India does not benefit from a one-size-fits-all strategy when discussing
the courts and the selection of arbitrators. When the parties desire it, the
Supreme Court or the high court, in circumstances of domestic or
international commercial arbitration, might designate the arbitral
institutions. The application has to be disposed of off in 30 days and the high
court can maintain a panel of arbitrators for discharging the duties of the
arbitral institution. The problem here is that the idea of separating the judiciary
from the arbitration is not being upheld and whether that can even happen is a
question for another day. A problematic Indian judicial system is already
burdened by including the judiciary. It appears to be an additional load on the
judiciary to assign them the task of overseeing the panel of arbitrators.
Therefore, including the judiciary in managerial tasks may not be the wisest
course of action.
Section 43J of the eighth schedule lists the
requirements for arbitrators but does not address the nomination of foreign
practitioners as arbitrators. An advocate, a chartered accountant, a cost
accountant, a company secretary, a member of the Indian Legal Service,
administrative officers, engineers, and other technical experts were all
included in the amendment. If foreign specialists are excluded, other countries
may be less likely to view India as a neutral party. It might also lead to the
disputes being reduced to where one party is always Indian. This will then
become the biggest obstacle in India’s dream of becoming the global hub of
arbitration.
The author believes that an express provision
for the arbitration bench should have been included. India has constantly fared
poorly in being appointed as an international arbitrator. Indian arbitrators
are mostly seated in Singapore despite as per the 2015 reports only 3 percent
were Indians. The data from the London Court of International Arbitration
states that around 450 arbitrators were appointed as of 2015 and none of the
arbitrators were Indians. These are practical examples of how Indians have been
excluded from being appointed as arbitrators. Therefore, the legislation should
have paid a little more attention to addressing the issue when the high-level
committee stressed the creation of a bar or bench. The statute may have
directed the same, as opposed to leaving it up to the Arbitration Council of
India.
NEW DELHI INTERNATIONAL
ARBITRATION CENTRE
Based on
the committee's suggestion to revamp the International Centre of Alternate
Dispute Resolution, which was founded in 1995, the New Delhi International
Arbitration Centre was approved by the president on July 26, 2019. On March 2,
2019, the New Delhi International Arbitration Center Act was deemed to take
effect. The NDIAC is an institution of utmost national significance that
regulates both domestic and international arbitration in India. It provides for
a chief executive officer that shall be responsible to oversee the daily
administrational affairs. Section 23 of the act refers to a counsel who will
deal with matters relating to domestic and international arbitration.
The NDIAC's goals and objectives may serve as
the cornerstones for India's institutionalisation of arbitration. The center's
objectives are to support research and promote the dissemination of information
about alternative dispute resolution methods. The idea of providing training to
the professionals and upcoming practitioners on arbitration as recommended by
the committee has been taken seriously by the centre. It aims to even extend
beyond that and cooperate with societies, institutions, and related matters to
awarding of certificates and professional distinctions.
Through the establishment of an arbitration academy
and chamber, the institute may serve as a model and guiding force in India for
the promotion and facilitation of institutionalised arbitration. From
maintaining a panel of arbitrators to laying down the rules and parameters for
arbitration, the centre could open the rusty doors to making India a global hub
of arbitration.
PUBLIC POLICY OF INDIA
Public policy is discussed under Section 34 (2)
(b) (ii) of the Indian Arbitration and Conciliation Act[9].
However, no precise explanation of the phrase has been given. Due to the
broad definition of "public policy," the union is always given the
authority to apply public policy in a way that is contrary to arbitral rulings.
In this situation, the concept of minimal government intrusion has importance.
Like in Singapore or London, there is little to no government interference. The
fact that these organisations receive so little intervention from the
government is one of the main factors contributing to their widespread acceptability
and repute.
The Supreme Court's rulings have established
standards for how public policy should be analysed, particularly in the context
of arbitration. The Supreme Court of India declared in the landmark case of
Renusagar Power Co Ltd vs. General Electric that the idea of public policy in
India should be interpreted in a narrow sense. Even the standards for rejecting
foreign arbitral awards were established by the court. Justice and morality,
the interest of the nation, and the fundamental policy of India were the three
conditions provided by the court. In the judgement of Oil and Natural Gas
Corporation Ltd vs SAW Pipes Ltd held that in case of section 34 is applied
when the award is set aside the role of the court is that of an appellate or revision
court. However, the judgement has widened the scope of public policy.
Section 5 of the arbitration and conciliation
act of 1996 demonstrates an attempt by the legislature to limit judicial
intervention. Aside from situations specified by the section, the provision
does not call for judicial action. The judiciary's function in starting
arbitral proceedings is that of an administrator. However, there are multiple
provisions like sections 9 and 17 of the acts wherein the judiciary steps in.
It gives the arbitral tribunal the power to take the orders as interim
measures. While the purpose of both sections is different the judiciary needs
to realize the difference between administering a proceeding and taking control
of it.
CONCLUSION
Institutionalized arbitration is the need of the hour. Additionally, the 2019 amendment added
some power to arbitration. The broad secrecy clause complements the idea of
arbitration in the nation in both law and spirit. In light of this, section 42
B of the amendment stated that the arbitrator was immune from legal action for
whatever he had done or planned to do in good faith. Even if the act is a step
in the right direction, it merely scratches the surface. Engagement with
industry experts and dialogue with non-partisan experts may help the government
better frame the provisions.
The New Delhi International
arbitration centre is another commendable initiative but still needs a lot more
autonomy to become a flagship institution. While the institution cannot be totally free from
governmental influence, it must feel immune in order to avoid becoming a tool
in the hands of the state. The institution's leadership requires highly
qualified trained experts. Technology integration will become essential in this
area as well for the properoperation of online proceedings. It could also be
helpful during the training sessions and workshops that the Indian Arbitration
Council may provide. The best course of action is to institutionalise
arbitration in order to create a thriving ecology. The basic component of
arbitration is party autonomy. Private right, according to Hugo Grotius[10]
(who coined the term in his book "De Jure Belli ac Pacis"), is the
control we have over ourselves. The essence of institutionalised arbitration
and the reason it has become necessary at this point can be found in this
private right within the framework of a fair set of rules.
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