FREEDOM OF PRESS AND CENSORSHIP IN JAMMU & KASHMIR BY: CHINAR THAKUR
FREEDOM OF
PRESS AND CENSORSHIP IN JAMMU & KASHMIR
AUTHORED BY: CHINAR THAKUR
PhD research scholar, Department of Political
Science, Panjab University, Chandigarh
Keys Words: freedom of press, censorship, Jammu
and Kashmir,
Abstract
Freedom of press is an essential
factor for functioning of any democratic country. Mass media is popularly known
as the ‘fourth estate’ of democracy and it does need freedom to be able to
perform its duties of watchdog of government and provider of information to its
audience. All democratic governments provide freedom of speech and expression
to its citizens, including the news agencies but the government also reserves
right to curtail this right on grounds of protection of sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the
State, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or
morality or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an
offence. Censorship is used by the government in times of emergency. Indian
government also implements censorship. But
whether, censorship was justified or not is debatable. This paper
has attempted to conduct content analysis of four newspaper- Daily Excelsior (published
from Jammu), Greater Kashmir (published from Srinagar), The Tribune (Chandigarh
edition) and The Indian Express (Delhi edition) from July, 2016. July, 2016 was
a turning point in politics of Kashmir when we also saw use of censorship by
the government itself in the Kashmir division. The content analysis of these
particular newspapers helped to draw out reasons of government used censorship
to avoid spread of rumours and misinformation in already turbulent times. It
also helped in gauging the reaction of news agencies who opposed the
government’s measure to ban the newspapers. The inferences made from the
content analysis helped to arrive at the subjective nature of censorship and
its appropriateness in any circumstances.
INTRODUCTION
Freedom of press vs. censorship or
freedom of press vs. needs of the nation has become a highly contested issue
world over, due to the rise of internet and digital platforms for communication
and disseminating news. The supporters of freedom of press argue in favour of it
for the open exchange of ideas and the challenging of established norms and
power structures. It is essential for public education and proper functioning
of any democratic government. Whereas, the critics argue that unregulated
speech can lead to social unrest and violence. This debate touches on
fundamental questions of rights, responsibilities, and the nature of democracy.
Finding a balance between protecting free expression and preventing harm
remains a significant challenge for policymakers and society as a whole.
Interpretation depends on what side are you standing. Digital platform are
prone to fake news and misinformation but it is frequently noticed that
newspapers are also banned from printing. The ‘why’ and ‘what’ question of
censorship are completely subjective. What form of media should have been
banned: electronic or print? Why was there a need to impose a ban? Such
questions depict the relative nature of truth. This paper attempts to
contextualize the debate of freedom of press and censorship in the events
taking place in Jammu and Kashmir in 2016. It tries to ascertain whether
banning the newspapers was needed or not through the content analysis of
newspapers of 2016: Daily Excelsior, Greater Kashmir, The Tribune and Indian
Express.
PRESS: FROM NATIONAL STRUGGLE TO PRESENT TIMES
Since its birth, the Indian press has
played a multi faceted role with a profound and far reaching impact on Indian
society. It has evolved into an integral tool of political socialization and
most importantly, a tool to strengthen the roots of freedom of speech in our
society. Indeed, the birth of print media in India is to be credited to the
British. ‘Bengal Gazette’ was the first newspaper to be established in India by
James Augustus Hickey in 1780. But the success of Indian independence struggle
would not have been possible without the contribution of the press. Initially, the
newspapers were engaged in disseminating only official information and
communications. The print media was mostly English language based, catering to
the needs of colonial administration. It is only mid 19th century
onwards that India started witnessing new trends. Socio religious reform
movements started which led to the emergence of struggle for political
independence too. The Indian press participated vigorously in fighting against
our social evils and foreign authority. It affected a wide range of audience
even with its limited and elite circulation. Over the time, vernacular language
based newspapers emerged which helped in spreading the ideas of social reforms
and political independence from the British to the masses. The demand and
support for ideas like widow remarriage, child marriage, banning of sati, evils
of caste system, etc was circulated through press. These newspapers also served
as a platform for discussion and analysis of the exploitative policies of the
British state. They helped in political mobilization and uniting a diverse
country like India against the highly organized force of the British. ‘The
Hindu’, ‘Amrita Bazar Patirka’, ‘Harijan’, ‘Kesari’, ‘Maratha’, ‘Bande
Mataram’, ‘Young India’, ‘Mook-nayak’ and many others have been integral part
of our freedom struggle. The role of press became even more important after the
year 1947. It became a dynamic factor in fostering a sense of national identity
and unity, inspiring the Indian population to take part in nation building in
their own unique ways. It also served as a watchdog that held the government
accountable at all steps of policy formulation and implementation, even in
turbulent times of emergency of 1975-77. It has been instrumental in platform
for spreading social movements on women rights, climate change, anti corruption
movement, human rights abuses, etc. The Indian press has served as a voice of
dissent, a platform for social reform, and a crucial pillar of democracy which
has shaped the Indian narrative in all aspects.
The researcher has specifically
chosen newspapers for analysis in the context of censorship. In the age of
internet and social media, it may be said that the newspapers are losing their
relevance. It is true to a large extent as world over, the circulation of
newspapers is on a decline but India presents a different picture. There were
1,18,239 registered publications amounting to circulation of 43,00,66,629 in
India in 2017-18 (Press of India, 2017-18)[1].
Print media can be considered more reliable than forms of electronic media like
television. Chandan Mitra remarked in 2009, “Over the past five years, print
media has become much more responsible than before, whereas electronic media
tends to go over the top because of this intense competition to be the first
with the news. There is this need to break news with a new angle every 15
minutes. In the process, there is also this unsubstantiated news, rumors,
highly exaggerated reports in electronic media, especially as you have
something as dramatic and sensational like the Mumbai terrorist attacks.”[2].
Print media can also be considered more reliable than newly emerging social media.
Social media consists of unsubstantiated voices and opinions which often lead
to spread of false news creating chaos. Social media has the capacity to
strengthen democratic ideals but it can also fall prey to commercial and
criminal interests spreading false news and opinions[3].
The print media also has larger coverage in rural areas where digital media is
quite limited.
CONTROLLING THE NARRATIVE: MEANS OF CENSORSHIP
Article 19(1) (a) of the Constitution
of India accords freedom of speech and expression to the media also. It reads
as “All citizens shall have the right to freedom of speech
and expression.”[4].
There have been landmark judgments in favour of protecting the freedom of press
in India. Chief Justice, Patanjali Shastri observed that the press should be
free to print and publish without any state interference[5].
The Supreme Court held that the people have the right to know information
regarding everything that is done by the administration[6].
The Supreme Court also observed, “Freedom of the press is both qualitative and
quantitative. Freedom lies both in circulation and in content”[7].
But, the freedom of speech and expression comes
with various restrictions such as interests of the sovereignty and
integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with Foreign
States, public order, decency or morality or in relation to contempt of court,
defamation or incitement to an offence. These interests are either in favour of
the nation or the society. Indian
press has been subjected to many forms of force by government and private
agencies, especially censorship. Censorship has been used frequently by the
government and India ranked 159 out of 180 countries in World Press Freedom
Index[8] in
2024. India’s ranking has only been falling since many years. The most famous
incident of censorship in India is of 1975, when Indira Gandhi declared
emergency and suspended civil liberties. The government tightened its control
on Indian mass media. Radio and television were already government owned and
operated. The government withdrew its advertising support from many newspapers
including The Indian Express and The Statesman. A large share of revenues of
Indian newspapers comes from government advertising, giving a leeway to the
government to manipulate the press. The government also merged four
privately-owned Indian news agencies. It cut off teleprinter services. The
government immediately took control of the press, expelled several foreign
correspondents and withdrew accreditation from many Indian reporters.
In simple words, censorship can be defined as a
means to suppress public communication that maybe considered objectionable or
sensitive by the government. It is conducted through various methods by the
government directly or other controlling bodies. For example, the government
can censor through the means of Criminal Code of Procedure[9] or
through Press Council of India[10]
which lays a self responsibility on the media to self regulate and work
according to press ethics and public interest[11].
Government defends its acts of censorship in name of preventing disharmony and
spread of rumours or misinformation so that stability and security of the state
can be maintained. Indeed, digital media has been a victim of fake news which
has raised a question on potential impact of unregulated speech on public order
and national security. But censorship has been prone to misuse. It has room for
interpretation and is very subjective in its application. Critics argue that
the vague definition of censorship has been used by the government for
political motives and to silence dissent and criticism, many a times legitimate
forms of speech and expression. Governments and political leaders often seek to control the
narrative through censorship, intimidation of journalists and activists, and
the enactment of laws that restrict freedom of expression.
CONTEXTUALIZING JAMMU AMD KASHMIR OF 2016
2016 was a very unfortunate year for
the state of Jammu and Kashmir[12]
since the beginning. January 2016 witnessed two tragic events: Mufti Sayeed’s
death on 7th January 2016 and Jaish-e-Mohammad attack on an Indian
Army base in Pathankot, Punjab on 2nd January 2016. There was
outrage in the country and there were no hopes of reconciliation with Pakistan
due to the Pathankot attacks. It is this environment in which Mehbooba Mufti
assumed the office of Chief Minister on 4th April 2016. There was no
respite of her as in coming few months; the Kashmir valley was again engulfed
in agonizing turmoil. On 8th July, 2016, 22 year old Burhan Wani was
killed in an encounter by security forces. Killing of militants is very common
in Kashmir but Wani was a symbol for Kashmiri freedom struggle. He was born in Jamaat-e-Islami
family in Tral in South Kashmir, which is a stronghold of guerilla militants.
He dropped out of school at fifteen years of age and joined Hizbul Mujahideen.
He was a social media icon for the youth of Kashmir and his media campaign was
a rage among the partially educated and unemployed youth of the state.
The valley erupted over Wani’s death.
Thousands of people attended his funeral and in coming days, angry mobs
attacked police stations and security installations. Shops were forced to shut
down. Stones were pelted at army and police forces. Anti-India graffiti were
painted wherever possible. The police was not able to handle the protestors
with barricades, tear gas or water cannon, leading to use of the controversial
‘pellet guns’. Also known as 12 bore pump action gun, they were first used in
Kashmir in 2010 and were highly criticized immediately at national and
international platform. They are tagged as non lethal guns because they do not
lead in death of the targets. India’s laws on crowd control outline that pellet
guns should be used only in dire circumstances, from a distance of at least 50
meter aiming at lower body. When used from a short range, the pellets do not
get enough time to disperse. Short distance coupled with high velocity makes
these guns extremely dangerous, being able to damage bones, tissues and many
body organs. And they did prove to be lethal as they were being used in
proximity. Around 50 people died, 6,000 were injured, 20 people were partially
or fully blinded and 4,000 policemen wounded in just one month[13].
Pellet guns and their injuries were
continuously in news. The newspapers were full of tragic and heart wrenching
stories of victims. Their socio economic sufferings were highlighted along with
their physical trauma. The police and CRPF claimed that they were left with no
other option when faced by violent protestors. They used pellet guns only when all
other methods like lathi, teargas, grenades, etc fail to control the crowd.
According to security forces, the number of protestors kept increasing day by
day. They were violent which made it difficult for the forces to follow the
guidelines. Instead of moving in one direction, pellets spread in an
approximate diameter of 6 meters. They are around 600 in number in single shot
and it becomes difficult to fire below abdomen. Bystanders also get injured
along with the protestors. Most of the injuries are never intended by the
forces[14]. But
the protestors asserted that they become violent only in retaliation. In such
circumstances, bystanders were also injured and they also held great resentment
against the forces’ use of pellet guns. Kashmir was boiling again through the
months of later half of year 2016. The union and state governments appeared
unprepared as they had been in 2010[15]. Funerals
of guerrillas became spots for protests, with number of people in attendance
increasing with each funeral. Women also started participating in the protests
in increasing numbers. For the first time in Kashmir’s political history,
Kashmiris attacked the security forces during cordon and search operations, for
the guerrillas to escape.
The volatile environment of Jammu and
Kashmir was an opportunity for mass media, specifically press to play the role
of impartial observer. But did the press play its part? Did the government let
the press exercise its freedom of speech without any fear? All such questions
can be answered through the content analysis of newspapers of 2016.
CONTENT ANANLYSIS: REFLECTIONS FROM NEWSPAPERS
The 21st June, 2016
edition of Greater Kashmir ran on
first page, “It was unprecedented. It was outrageous. The raid on Greater
Kashmir Printing Press at Rangreth during the dead of the night of past
Friday—and subsequent raid on some other newspaper printing presses—wasn’t only
about gagging press in a blatant show of state’s power and might in the form of
its police force, some of whom barged into the GK Press to seize its copies and
arrest the employees. It was about brazen disregard to the Fourth Estate which
has been functioning in the State in trying circumstances. It was also about
muzzling the voice of the voiceless…. The way this raid came, it became clearer
that the State lacked a democratic way to approach things—the same State which,
instead of encouraging truthful reporting from ground, paved way for
rumour-mongering with the imposition of complete information blackout.....
Truth, as it is, has to be told. Today, no civilized nation cracks down on
press because there are other means to tell and know this truth…..”[16] Greater
Kashmir had published after a gap of 4 days. From 17th June, 2016 to
20th June, 2016, there was a ban on newspapers being published from
Srinagar. There was no affect on newspapers published in Jammu. All the local
newspapers from Kashmir and Kashmir editions of national newspapers were banned
from printing. Ironically the regional newspapers of Jammu did not carry any
relevant news reports on this particular issue but the national newspapers
editions from other stories did not miss any day to report to its audience
about the censorship taking place in Kashmir. Different news reports across the
newspapers had many themes.
First, there were reports on events of how censorship was imposed. On 17th July, 2016, The Tribune read
“The police, meanwhile, raided newspaper offices late
last night and seized copies of Urdu and English dailies, including the Srinagar
edition of The Tribune, even as these were being printed. Employees and drivers
of vehicles carrying the newspapers were detained. They were later let off,
said media houses. Editors and owners called it an attack on the freedom of the
press. Holding a protest in the afternoon, they apologised to the readers.
Official sources said the curbs would remain in force for the next two days”[17]. Indian Express also reported on similar
lines- “For the first time in the Valley, printing presses were raided, printing
machines stopped and their staff reportedly detained as the J&K government
sought to enforce a complete information blockade…. Apart from Greater Kashmir,
Urdu dailt Kashmir Uzma, the Kashmir edition of Chandigarh based Tribune, is
printed at the press(of Greater Kashmir)"[18]
Second, this incident of censorship was not illegal but directed by the
government. Indian Express reported in the same article “We are not seeing
this for the first time, but it is for the first time that they (the
government) have officially banned newspapers from publishing- said Rising
Kashmir Editor-in-Chief Shujaat Bukhari.”[19]
Third, there were reports on how censorship adversely affected the civilian
population and government officials too. On 18th July, 2016, The Tribune ran news report as, ““There
is no news about what is happening in the south (Kashmir) and north (Kashmir),
so one has no idea what is the situation today,” said Bashir Ahmad, a volunteer
at the SMHS Hospital. The clampdown on information has not only impacted the
civilian population of the region but also government and police officials”[20]
Fourth, there were editorials on how censorship in only furthering the distance
between people of Kashmir and rest of the country. Indian Express had an editorial on the issue of censorship which blamed the government
for putting a ban on printing till 19th July and tagged it as a
reason for separateness from rest of the country and also questioned the Indian
democracy when authoritarian regimes are also not resorting to it. “It is not
the media that manufactured the anger. While Pakistan has no doubt played a big
role in fanning the flames of this anger, it built up over years because of the
failures of successive governments in addressing it, Being in denial over this,
and blaming the media instead is not going to make it go away.”[21]
Fifth, there were also editorials on how not imposing censorship would have
facilitated the government. The Tribune carried an opinion article by the editor, “The authorities’ zeal may have been
misplaced in equating the inflammatory potential of social media and channels
with that of locally printed newspapers. Newspapers have a social contract with
the state predicated on the grant of several concessions. A newspaper can take
an extreme and irresponsible stand only to its own peril…. At least the sight
of newspapers being delivered provides some semblance of normality, however
perfunctory and transient. The printed word, even if published under the
watchful eye of the state, could have been a counterfoil to wild rumours that
sweep the streets during such times.”[22]
Sixth, there were also news reports that censorship is directed from the
Central government, signaling on forceful nature of the New Delhi. Indian
Express ran an editorial, “Before going into the ‘why’ of the clampdown, one should ask ‘who’
decided on the ban…. Grapevine has it that the PDP has the largest number of
sympathisers among the local journalistic community. Therefore, the party
ideally should have been the last to annoy the local media. But compulsions
inherent in relations with New Delhi, ruled by the uncompromising BJP this
time, have probably forced the PDP to toe the line.”[23]
A detailed content analysis of two newspapers:
Daily Excelsior (published in Jammu) and Greater Kashmir (published in
Srinagar) will help to draw out differences between the reporting by the two.
This exercise would help in ascertaining whether censoring the press was needed
or not. Daily Excelsior was quite neutral in its reporting in comparison to
other newspapers, many a times tilting in favour of the government. The 16th
July, 2016 edition of Daily Excelsior read
“Though the
Centre was satisfied with handling of situation in the Kashmir valley by the
State Government as well as para-military personnel and police, it has once
again reiterated the directive to ensure that no innocent was harassed. At the
same time, it has stressed for restoration of complete normalcy in the Valley
at the earliest.”[24] The
newspaper ran many reports which stressed how government is forced to use
violence against the people in spite of its best efforts to establish normalcy
in the state. There was another story with lines like “patrol party of security forces was attacked by a mob with stones
at Delina in Baramulla district this morning, injuring three security
personnel, the official said. In retaliation, security forces opened fire in
which three civilians were injured.”[25].
On 17th July, 2016, Daily
Excelsior reported, “A mob tried to storm an Army camp today in Bandipora
district, shattering the day-long fragile peace in curfew-bound Kashmir”[26].
The same edition had another story which read as, “As there was no let up in
the protests even after 10-day of violence in the wake of Hizbul Mujahideen
commander Burhan Wani's death, the Home Ministry of India has rushed 20 more
companies of para-military Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) from New Delhi
and some other States to the Kashmir valley to keep protests under check, help
in restoration of normalcy and ensure smooth pilgrimage of Shri Amarnath ji
shrine in South Kashmir Himalayas”[27].
In juxtaposition, Greater Kashmir
reported in manner which highlighted the problems, needs and wishes of the
local people of Kashmir. “Two youth were killed in fresh firing by forces in
Kashmir areas on Friday…. Prayers not allowed at Jamia Masjid”[28].
Daily Excelsior reported on how many soldiers are killed while Greater Kashmir
reported how many locals were killed. Greater Kashmir also reported on any
calls and messages given by the separatist leaders while the other news did
not. The 16th July, 2016 edition of Greater Kashmir reported, “Hurriyat Conference (G) chairman Syed
Ali Geelani, Hurriyat Conference (M) chairman Mirwaiz Umar Farooq and Jammu and
Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) chairman Muhammad Yasin Malik on Friday
extended call for protests and complete shutdown till Monday evening.”[29]. Greater
Kashmir also attempted to humanize the protestors. It reported on number of
people injured and killed by pellet guns every day. It used pictures, tables
and personal accounts to highlight the plight of victims of pellet guns. One of
the story read, “Unaware of losing vision in both her eyes, 14-yr-old Insha
craves to go home”[30]
Greater
Kashmir also portrayed through its reports and editorials that there was
excessive use of force in the streets of the valley. In comparison to the security
forces, Greater Kashmir reported on the inherent urge of the people to help
each other in dire circumstances. There were reports on help for the people of
Kashmir from within the state[31]
and from outside too[32].
Other newspapers did not
have such reports at all.
Even, The Tribune had many articles
and news reports which highlighted that the policies of the government are just
being counterproductive for itself. On 16th July, 2016, The Tribune
had an editorial which highlighted that the Hindutva policy of BJP will not
resonate with Kashmiris and the alliance of PDP with BJP will only worsen the
situation. It read, “The choice facing the Modi government
is stark: save Kashmir by giving it the leeway to develop its own cultural and
religious mix or continue to force its Hindutva philosophy on an unwilling
people. Kashmiris cannot remain indifferent to the war cries of the Hindutva
brigade in the rest of the country… it took Ms Mehbooba more than four days to
react publicly to what amounted to an internal emergency following the death of
a militant turned-hero in the public imagination, the media savvy Burhan Wani,
despite the goading of her political rival, Omar Abdullah, to take the lead.
She could not displease her basic constituency ranged on the other side of the
fence as stone throwers and violent protesters while having to take care not to
upend New Delhi.”[33]. This editorial stressed upon the fact that the
national and state government cannot work in unison.
Thus, there are many differences evident in the
reporting of various newspapers but it cannot be ascertained which one of these
give a better clarity. Newspapers have a double duty. They have to provide
information to its audience but it also has the burden of making sure to check
the spread of fake news by miscreants. It should be able to stop its own misuse
so that they do not go against the interest of the society. Were the newspapers
in Kashmir violating their code of conduct? Were they spreading misinformation?
Were they hurting the government’s efforts to establish normalcy? All such
questions cannot be answered objectively. Only an attempt can be made on part
of both the actors- newspapers and government to maintain a balance between
freedom of press and unregulated speech which can harm national peace and
stability.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the debate over freedom of press
and censorship in India needs careful approach. It is a necessary tool for the
government to keep a check on the miscreants and avoid any verbal threats to
the unity of the country. It a very helpful tool for the government but it does
have subjective connotations and it is difficult to ascertain whether a
particular act of censorship by the government was done in the right spirit or
not. It can lead to self-censorship and can limit people’s right to know, free
flow of information and exchange of ideas in society. It is a complex task to balance
individual liberties with norms of society. It is imperative for India to
confront the challenges of censorship with a commitment to upholding freedom of
expression and fostering a society that values diverse perspectives and open
discourse. Censorship is an ever evolving concept with its unique challenges
and opportunities. The challenges require a multi-faceted approach through legal
reforms, education and awareness initiatives, international collaboration, and
support for diverse voices.
[3] Ibid.
[4] M. LAXMIKANTH, INDIAN POLITY, 85
(7th ed. 2024).
[5] Romesh Thappar v. State of Madras,
(1950) S.C.R. 594.
[6] Prabhu Dutt v. Union of India & Ors,
(1982) S.C.R. (1)1184.
State of U.P. v. Raj Narain & Ors, (1975)
S.C.R. (3)333.
[7] Bennett Coleman & Co & Ors
v. Union of India & Ors, (1973) S.C.R. (2)757.
[8] WPFI is published by Reporters Without
Borders (RSF). It is being published since 2002 and is an annual ranking of
countries on the basis of extent of freedom given to news organizations and
journalists.
[9]For example, Section 95 of the Cr.P.C which allows
forfeiture of certain content/ publications. Under this section, the State
government can punish for printing anything harmful to the state in any
newspaper, book or document.
[10] Press Council of India is a statutory and quasi-judicial body which
was established under the Press Council Act, 1978. It acts as the self-regulatory body for
the press.
[11] We are focusing only on those
means which affect the newspapers specifically
[12] Jammu and Kashmir was a state in
2016. It became a union territory only in 2019.
[13] RADHA KUMAR, PARADISE AT WAR, 322
(2018).
[14] D.A. Rashid, In High Court, Govt. justifies use of pellet guns, calls it ‘modern
method’ of crowd control, GREATER KASHMIR, Sept 7, 2016, at 1.
[15] RADHA KUMAR, PARADISE AT WAR, 323
(2018).
[16] Fayaz Ahmad Kaloo, No gag is civilized, GREATER KASHMIR,
July 21, 2016, at 1.
[17] 1 more dead in media clashes; media gagged, THE TRIBUNE, July 17,
2016, at 1.
[18] Bashaarat Masood, Newspapers presses raided, editors say staff
held, July 17, 2016, at 1.
[19] Ibid.
[20] Azhar Qadri, In turbulent Kashmir, no one has answer, THE TRIBUNE, July 18,
2016, at 13.
[21] Living in denial, THE INDIAN EXPRESS, July 18, 2016, at 12
[22] A Valley without news, THE TRIBUNE, July 19, 2016, at 8
[23] Hilal Mir, Why Kashmiri media is muzzled, THE INDIAN EXPRESS, July 20, 2016,
at 15.
[24] Sanjeev Pargal, Home Minister reviews Kashmir situation,
yatra arrangements, DAILY EXCELSIOR, July 16, 2016, at 1.
[25] 2 killed, mobs defy restrictions, DAILY EXCELSIOR, July 16, 2016,
at 1.
[26] Mob tries to storm army camp in Bandipora, 3 injured, DAILY
EXCELSIOR, July 18, 2016, at 1.
[27] Sanjeev Pargal, 2000 para-military troops rushed; more may
follow, DAILY EXCELSIOR, July 18, 2016, at 1.
[28] Abid Bashir & Khalid Gul, Bloodbath continues, GREATER KASHMIR,
July 16, 2016, at 1.
[29] Resistance camp extends shutdown for 72 hours, GREATER KASHMIR,
July 16, 2016, at 1.
[30] Why are my eyes bandages, GREATER KASHMIR, July 16, 2016, at 1.
[31] Braving curfew, firing, Anantnag
youth join hands to provide succor to injured (Khalid Gul)- Greater Kashmir
(pg3)- 16th July, 2016; Spirit of Kashmir- Greater Kashmir (pg 4)-
16th July, 2016
[32] Protest march in Kolkata against
Kashmir killings- Greater Kashmir (pg 3)- 16th July, 2016
[33] Nihal Singh, Modi’s Kashmir Dilemma, THE TRIBUNE, July 16, 2016, at 12.