EVOLVING LANDSCAPE OF GLOBAL GOVERNANCE AND ROLE OF WTO AND TRIPS IN SHAPING STATE SOVEREIGNTY: A PORTRAYAL BY - DR. SANGEETA CHATTERJEE & ANITA MONDAL
EVOLVING
LANDSCAPE OF GLOBAL GOVERNANCE AND ROLE OF WTO AND TRIPS IN SHAPING STATE
SOVEREIGNTY: A PORTRAYAL
ABSTRACT
Since the very first civilization
ever existed on Earth, trade has been a constant practice of humankind. This
trade took different forms over thousands of years and it played a huge role in
the evolution of human society. Irrespective of the diversities of the
community, trade has been the biggest factor which has shaped the society and
the law. Even the biggest and major cities in the world are situated on the
banks of the sea because they have been the hub of trade. Although trade has
influenced many laws, it has been difficult to bring a robust trade law which
would regulate all sorts of trades. After the First World War, the first
attempt was made to create an international body to regulate trade at the
global level. The establishment of GATT proved to be remarkable for
international trade as trade became easy for many countries. In 1995, the
creation of the World Trade Organisation and its Agreement on Trade-Related
Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) revolutionised trade by
extending the ambit. Now, the protection was not only extended to tangible
goods but to intangible goods such as services, ideas, and artistic works.
However, the question still persists: How efficient have these two
international bodies been proved? The world witnessed a situation of wars and
extreme trade tension between two economic power blocks. The developing
technology and evolving weapons are being real challenges for the WTO and TRIPS
to tackle the misuse of trade. WTO is now facing real challenges like a global
pandemic and then war situations between major countries and other conflicts
that are attacking the trade of the rival countries.
PROLOGUE
A profound shift in the nature of
global governance marks the contemporary international landscape. The
traditional paradigm, centred on nation-states and their sovereign authority,
has been challenged by the forces of globalisation. The increasing
interconnectedness of nations, driven by economic liberalisation, technological
advancements, and cultural exchange, has necessitated new frameworks to address
shared challenges and promote cooperation.
The World Trade Organization (WTO)
and its Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights
(TRIPS) emerged as pivotal mechanisms in this evolving landscape. Established
in 1995, the WTO succeeded the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT),
which has governed international trade since 1948. TRIPS, a component of the WTO
agreements, established a comprehensive set of rules governing, protecting and
enforcing intellectual property rights (IPRs).[1]
The creation of the WTO and TRIPS
reflected the growing recognition of the importance of international trade and
intellectual property in the global economy. As nations became more
interdependent, there was a need for a multilateral framework to reduce trade
barriers, settle disputes, and promote a level playing field for all members.
TRIPS, in particular, addressed the growing concern about protecting IPRs
essential for innovation, economic growth, and cultural development.2
The WTO and TRIPS have had a profound
impact on the global economy. The WTO has contributed to economic growth and
development by reducing trade barriers and promoting free trade. On the other
hand, TRIPS has provided a framework for protecting IPRs, which has
incentivised innovation and investment. However, the rise of the WTO and TRIPS
has also raised important questions about the balance between national
sovereignty and international obligations.3
The WTO's dispute settlement
mechanism has been a critical feature of its success. This mechanism allows
countries to peacefully resolve trade disputes, avoiding the potential for
trade wars. However, the WTO's dispute settlement process has also been
criticized for being biased in favour of developed countries.
TRIPS has been both praised and
criticised for its impact on developing countries. While TRIPS has provided a
framework for protecting IPRs, it has also been argued that it has hindered
access to essential medicines and technologies in developing countries. This
has led to debates about the appropriate balance between intellectual property
rights and public health.4
The COVID-19 pandemic has posed
significant challenges for the WTO and TRIPS in recent years. The pandemic has
disrupted global supply chains and highlighted the need for greater
international cooperation. Several countries, at a point in time, were facing a
shortage of essential supplies due to the sudden lockdowns of national as well
as international boundaries. The ongoing trade tensions between the United
States and China have also strained the multilateral trading system.5
Despite these challenges, the WTO and
TRIPS remain essential institutions for global governance. They provide a
framework for addressing trade disputes, promoting economic growth, and
protecting intellectual property rights. However, they must adapt to the
changing global landscape to remain relevant and practical.
The COVID-19 pandemic also
highlighted the tension between intellectual property rights and public health.
There were calls for a temporary waiver of TRIPS provisions to facilitate the
production and distribution of vaccines and other medical supplies.6
In 2023, there were fresh efforts to
reform the WTO, including discussions on improving the dispute settlement
system and addressing the rise of protectionism.
The growth of e-commerce and digital
services has led to discussions about the need to update WTO rules to address
these new forms of trade. Growing interest has been in promoting sustainable
trade practices, including addressing climate change and environmental
protection.
These recent developments demonstrate
the ongoing evolution of global governance and the importance of the WTO and
TRIPS in shaping the international landscape. As the world continues to become
more interconnected, the role of these organisations will likely become even
more critical.
WTO AND
TRIPS BALANCING NATIONAL INTEREST AND INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATIONS
The WTO and TRIPS often receive
criticism for establishing a uniform set of rules for global trade as this
uniform set of rules limits the ability of many developing countries from
trading with their own terms and conditions. Many countries have alleged that
although the effort has been made to make the trade free from unnecessary
barriers, it also creates hurdles for the least developed countries to make
heavy revenue out of imported goods. One of the highlighted examples can be the
use of WTO dispute settlement mechanisms to challenge the national rules and
laws of trade of several countries which do not conform with the trade rules
and norms of WTO.
Beside these criticisms, global trade
has witnessed a significant evolution and growth in international trade in the
past Twenty-Nine years. It is pertinent to note that since the liberalization,
privatization and globalisation of the economy and since the establishment of WTO
and its TRIPS agreement many countries have been able to trade freely and
generate even more revenue than ever. Earlier, where used to be heavy influence
of developed Nations and economic power blocks but now the market has been
opened for every one and the global market has come to a unitary platform as
the world can see the concept of borders being diminished.7
As we look at how TRIPS was
implemented at the national level, both in introducing and enforcing new laws,
it's important to note how this international agreement transformed domestic
politics by giving technology-intensive sectors more significant influence.
Similar to how Baldwin argues that GATT’s reciprocity principle shifted
political interests towards widespread tariff reductions, TRIPS reshaped
national patent policies. Before TRIPS, these policies were largely driven by
strong consumer groups and import-substituting industries, with innovators
playing a limited role. Many developing countries focused more on ensuring access
to technology and knowledge than on promoting innovation. However, TRIPS forced
a shift towards stronger IP protections, acting as an external shock that
redistributed income between innovative and non-innovative sectors. As stronger
IP laws took hold, innovative businesses benefited, while those relying on
previous policies saw diminishing profits, leading to a shift in political
power. Over time, even those initially opposing TRIPS adapted, forming
alliances with innovation-driven actors and adjusting their political
strategies to the new landscape.8
Many middle-income countries aiming
to advance technologically and build domestic capabilities have found new
growth opportunities through participation in global value chains (GVCs),
provided they are willing to meet the stricter intellectual property (IP)
requirements set by the TRIPS agreement. As multinational enterprises (MNEs)
became more inclined to disperse production across different countries,
industrialists in these nations, eager to join GVCs, showed a willingness to
comply with the more stringent IP standards demanded by MNEs, often requiring
more vigorous enforcement. The tightening of IP regulations and the convergence
of regulatory standards among countries has paralleled the expansion of GVC
trade. This dynamic has led some, like Chang, to argue that the higher
institutional demands placed on developing countries are unfair and amount to
‘kicking away the ladder’ to prevent them from joining the ranks of developed
nations.9 However, China’s rise
demonstrates that strong IP protections do not necessarily hinder technological
advancement in lower-income countries if governments and firms are prepared to
invest in research and development. China’s rapid growth and the positive
effects of its success on other middle- and low-income nations highlight the
effectiveness of this strategy. Yet, as predicted by Gomory and Baumol, such
strategies can lead to tensions when incumbent nations perceive threats to
their market share.10
The increasing importance of
intangible assets—such as technology, design, and branding—in production is
mirrored by their growing share in the value of final products in international
trade. Hsieh and Rossi-Hansberg attribute this to a ‘second industrial revolution’
in the services sector, where information and communication technologies (ICTs)
have boosted productivity much like machines and mechanical engineering did
during the first industrial revolution. Furthermore, leading firms in GVCs
focus more on intangibles while outsourcing physical production to partners in
middle- and low-income countries. As a result, there is a growing demand for
more robust protection of intangible assets under the TRIPS framework,
including data, trademarks, and copyright safeguards. Sectors with higher
intangible capital, whether through technological innovation or brand value,
can increase earnings by strategically selecting where to locate their
operations.
The UNCTAD report of 2024 shows a
massive growth in the trade of services and a significant surge in the export
of artificial intelligence-related equipments in the first quarter of 2024.
This export mainly came from China (Nine percent), India (Seven percent) and
USA (Three percent). Meanwhile, the European countries showed no growth and
there was a decrease in exports in African countries by Five percent. During
the first quarter, trade in developing countries and South-South trade grew by
approximately Two percent in both imports and exports. In contrast, developed
countries experienced stable imports and a modest One percent increase in
exports.11
THE IMPACT
OF RECENT GLOBAL CRISES ON TRADE AND GLOBAL GOVERNANCE
The third decade of Twenty-First century
has witnessed a period of absolute absurdity when it comes to almost every aspect
of life. In span of Five years since December 2019 the world has witnessed a
global pandemic due to COVID-19 which disrupted the whole demand and supply
chain. And then the world witnessed a war that almost looked like never-ending
war between Russia and Ukraine which impacted the supply of food and energy to
the majority of European countries. When it was not even over then the world witnessed
another war between Israeli and Palestinians which badly affected the trade in
the region. From the perspective of global economy, this is the toughest time
in the past Forty years. Let us dwell into each scenario independently.
The Covid-19 and the disruption of global supply chain
The global trade is dependent upon a
complex chain of supply from different countries on the globe. And the
situation of covid-19 pandemic exposed the entire globe to vulnerability of
supply of goods because of the sudden lockdown of the international markets and
the borders. This halted all the manufacturing industries, the transportation
agencies and labour shortage which led to the delay in production and
ultimately resulting in the halt of imports and exports. Along with goods, the
trade of services also was heavily impacted.12
We are going to discuss about the primary services like travel and transport
services and digital services.
The travel and transport industry
employs many workers in numerous countries and is often called a people-centred
industry. Now, with this industry suffering, employment has suffered in many
economies, including within the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD) and other parts like the Indian subcontinent. For instance,
the absence of Chinese tourists had been noted during that period and had
affected the tourism industry significantly, but the absence of the possibility
to travel does not only affect the industry itself, it also affects other
industries in many countries where face-to-face contact is necessary. It,
therefore, affects global value chains. Also, in the goods sector, think a bit
about how many services enter into a global value chain for it to function
smoothly: the accounting services, financial services, human resources,
training, education, essential logistics services, and customer services. All
these services have to run smoothly for a value chain to function.
Unfortunately, this has not always been the case during the crisis, and even
now, we will be entering a recovery.13
We have seen that in the area of
digital trade, policymakers have made an effort to facilitate that trade during
the global pandemic. This is important because digital trade was a vital
resilience factor during the pandemic. The fact that we could communicate
digitally, as we did during the entire pandemic, the fact that we could have practical
work, cloud-based working solutions, the effect that high-speed internet
connectivity was available and made it possible to continue working when travel
was not possible. Policy makers have facilitated that part of trade during the
crisis as we can see in our services trade restrictiveness index measures.14
The policies that policymakers put in
place for services have become more restrictive. For instance, increased
screening of investment measures that may be hampering the movement of people
over the long run or also after the pandemic is gone. The services trade
restrictiveness has increased during the pandemic and posed a great threat to
the trade of services that, if it had been constituted, would have hampered the
trade to a greater extent. Policymakers must take action now to allow for
services to play the role that they can play for a vigorous recovery and for
sustainable growth in the future.15
In the last of month of December, the
experts observed a slight downfall in the global market because of outbreak of
the COVID-19 pandemic and then all three measures (goods trade, services trade
and the investment in the world) saw sharp downfall in the first quarter of
2020 and then they hit the lowest in the second quarter of 2020 as seen in the
Chart 1 below.16
Chart 1 clearly portrays the downfall
of goods trades, services and investments in the global periphery during the
Covid 19 period. It picturises the practical situation of a long span of two
years since 2019 to 2021, wherein a major downfall has occurred in the index
point which has reached 0.6 in the downward side during the second and third
quarters of 2020, when the Covid 19 was its most devastating stage. But, again
it has risen upwards from 1.0 to 1.3 during the second quarter of 2021, when
actually the whole world has started recovering from the pandemic. Another
interesting point of this Chart is that, it shows clearly, the FDI curve is
moving more frequently both in the upward and downward sides, in comparison to
goods and services curves. Hence, it can be inferred that, FDI sector is
directly affected owing to pandemic globally, whereas, trade in goods and
services sectors, is affected indirectly. Practically, trade in goods and
services somewhat was continued during the pandemic, but the business sector
was reluctant to invest in the foreign countries. Rather, the global business
sector was totally confused and hence, the FDI sector suffered in massive rate
resulting into the disruption of global supply chain.
Russia-Ukraine War and its implication on food and energy security
Russia's military invasion of Ukraine
has not only created one of the world's most tragic humanitarian crises but
also resulted in economic devastation that will reverberate far beyond
Ukraine's borders. Ukraine is the largest country by land area entirely in
Europe, and despite its struggling economy, it plays a crucial role in global
trade and is called the bread basket of Europe because of its highly fertile
soil.18
Ukraine is the world's fifth-largest
exporter of wheat and the fourth-largest exporter of corn and barley. It's also
the top exporter of seed oils, accounting for Forty-Six per cent of the world's
sunflower oil supply. Ukraine's agricultural exports flow mainly to the global
south, with countries such as Indonesia and Lebanon heavily dependent on its
grain to feed their populations.19 Beyond
its agricultural capacity, Ukraine is rich in minerals, with a mining industry
worth more than Fifteen billion dollars. The country is the world's
fifth-largest exporter of iron and the fourth-largest exporter of titanium. It's
a significant producer of gallium and germanium, which are used on
semiconductors, fibre optics, and light-emitting diodes. Ukraine also produces
nearly Seventy per cent of the world's neon and Forty per cent of its krypton,
both used in the semiconductor manufacturing process. A disruption in the
supply of these technology-critical elements will likely exacerbate the
existing global chip shortage caused by the covid 19 pandemic. Disruption of
Ukraine's exports is only part of the story.20
Russia's invasion has severely
crippled its own economy. Russia's share of global commodity markets is
one-sixth of the world's land mass. It's the world's largest wheat exporter and
the top producer of barley and buckwheat feeding countries such as Egypt,
turkey, and Bangladesh. The country is a key exporter of agricultural
fertilisers, accounting for Forty percent of the world's potash and Twenty percent
of its ammonia. Russia's extensive mining industry is first in global diamond
production, second in platinum, third in gold and fourth in silver. It is an
essential source of rare earth metals such as vanadium and cobalt. Most
importantly, Russia is the world's largest supplier of natural gas and the
second-largest oil exporter. Germany is heavily reliant on Russian gas to meet
its energy needs.21
As Russia faces severe international
sanctions for its invasion and retaliates by suspending key exports, shortages
and higher prices in key sectors will likely be felt worldwide. Yet the
disruption is also likely to lead to long-term realignments of political and
economic relationships as countries seek to replace the loss of Russian and
Ukrainian imports with goods from other countries. The conflict may also
accelerate the transition to renewable and nuclear energy as Western countries
are now motivated to reduce their dependence on Russian oil and gas. In the
meantime, the international community faces the challenge of isolating an
aggressive and dangerous government while keeping the global economy afloat.
The trade between the countries has grown Four percent slower, as shown in the
Chart 2 below.22
Chart 2 clearly portrays the trade
within and between geopolitical blocks. It is visible from the Chart that, the
trade was growing between 2016 and 2018, whereas, a serious downfall occurred
in the trade in 2020 with the outbreak of Covid 19 pandemic. Somehow the trade
was revived during 2021 at the end of the pandemic and the growth rate reached
its highest peak in the later part of 2022. But, the outbreak of war has
seriously affected the trade and since then downfall has started, which has not
yet been recovered. One important point regarding the issue is that, growth
rate of both trades was similar before and during pandemic, be it upwards or
downwards. However, different growth rates are visible during the war period,
which clearly portrays massive effect of war on the trades. As per the downward
curves, trade between blocks has suffered more than the trade within blocks.
Hence, it can be inferred that, owing to the war, somewhat impossibility has
occurred in the trade between geopolitical blocks causing threats to food and
energy security widely.
Israel - Palestine war and its impact on the global economy
The risks emanating from the
escalating Israeli Hamas conflict in addition to the Ukraine war, clearly point
to the worsening of global economic outlooks. Just when the world started to
recover somewhat from the Ukraine war, the Israeli-Hamas conflict became a
severe economic risk, which is reflected in a surge of crude prices, which is
likely to push up elevated inflation even further. The global Central banks
called for higher interest rates for longer, even before the Israel tensions.
And it looks more likely that global rates will remain at these high levels for
longer than previously anticipated.24
The Impact of USA-China Trade Tension
The trade tension between the United
States of America and China has grown so vast now that it has negatively
affected the consumers and producers of both the countries. Although the tariff
on the trade has significantly reduced, the bilateral trade deficit between the
two countries remains unchanged.25 The impact
of this trade tension is so big that now, as it is in the campaign for the US
presidential election of 2024, it is going to impact other nations as well, if
Trump reigns again.
A $6 bike Bell made in China could
cost $9.60 if additional tariffs proposed by Republican presidential candidate
Donald Trump become a reality. Donald Trump: ‘We're doing tariffs on other
countries. Other countries are going to finally, after Seventy-Five years, pay
us back for all that we've done for the world, and the Tariff will be
substantial in some cases’. This means that Chinese-made products will be hit
with as much as a Sixty percent tariff under Trump's plan. He also plans to
implement blanket tariffs of up to Twenty percent for all other countries. The
Biden Administration kept most of the import taxes during Trump's presidency.26
In May 2024, Biden announced further
tariff increases on $18 billion of Chinese imports, including a 100 percent
import tax on Chinese electric vehicles. The Biden Administration says its
tariffs are more strategically aimed at specific Industries and that Trump's
import tax takes a broader approach that will cost a middle-class American
household $44,000 more annually. Other estimates are in the range of around
$2,000.27
Trump says consumers won't be
impacted, but Chinese businesses are not the ones paying the import taxes, as
explained by supply chain expert Christopher Tang, ‘during the election
years, everyone is promising the moon, but the truth of the matter is that the
US firms pay the import tariffs’. So, for an imported Chinese-made TV
purchased at Costco, it's Costco that pays the import tax. ‘When companies
are facing High import tariffs, there are two buttons to push; one is to pass the
high import costs to the consumers, the other one is squeezing the Chinese
factories to lower the price’. Tang says the risk of pushing Chinese
companies to lower prices is poor product quality. Import taxes may mean fewer
printed labels made in China, but that doesn't mean fewer imports are coming
from China. They'll have a label from a different country, says Tang. ‘China
actually shipped a lot of components and parts to Vietnam to India for final
assembling, and those end products actually are still imported into us as well,
so therefore, the total effect of China is they still actually export more, but
they're not exporting to the US directly,’ Says Tang. The World
Trade Organization finds tariffs disproportionately affect low-income
households, which means a $9.60 bike Bell may be out of reach for some
consumers if a Sixty percent import tax is slapped on Chinese-made products.28
Effect of trade tension on producers
The United States of America and
Chinese producers are affected by tariffs. Those using these goods as
intermediate inputs will likely face negative impacts. One critical effect is
trade diversion, where increased imports from other countries offset the decline
in U.S. imports from China. For example, following the implementation of a $16
billion tariff list in August, U.S. imports from China fell by nearly $850
million, while imports from Mexico rose by a similar amount, keeping overall
U.S. imports relatively stable. Smaller increases in U.S. imports were also
observed from countries like Japan, Korea, and Canada. However, aggregate data
may mask other factors, such as inventory use, influencing bilateral trade
patterns. In some instances, like photosensitive semiconductor devices, there
was little or no shift in imports from third countries. Overall, trade
diversion helps explain some of the adjustments in global trade flows following
the tariff measures, as it can be seen in the Chart 3 below.29
Chart 3 – Source: IMF
Blog30
Chart 3
clearly portrays the loss or gain suffered by the producers’ due to US-China
trade tension and increased rate of tariffs therefrom. Some producers have
suffered less because of their business in the domestic markets has gained
profits, but others, who are mainly based on export-import business, have
suffered huge loss owing to the increase of import tariffs. Chinese producers
have been affected the worst, while Mexican producers have gained the best.
Therefore, it can be inferred from this chart, that while power-blocks will
come in conflict with each other, serious economic impact shall occur and
ultimately the buyers and sellers will be the sufferers.
Measures taken by WTO to tackle the situation of such wars
From the USA-China Trade tension to
the COVID-19 Pandemic and to the Russia-Ukraine war, the supply chain and
production have been heavily impacted by trade and the world economy went on a
rollercoaster ride. As the anchor trade organisation, the WTO has constantly
tried to tackle the issue through multilateral agreements.31
During the Russia-Ukraine war, WTO
has appealed to countries to respond to their needs as per their sourcing
patterns and by adjusting production technologies. Suppliers would shift and
relocate outside the war-impacted area, and the transport firms would adapt the
routes to such area which is not very inconvenient to transport in order to
increase the production rapidly to meet the demands of the countries.32
The WTO has been constantly entering
into various multilateral agreements with member countries to reduce any
possible barriers to making adjustments for these actors. As per WTO reporting,
Seventy-Five percent of world trading takes place under the rules of WTO or the
laws of GATT, the predecessor of WTO.33
WTO AND
ENVIRONMENT
Also, WTO does not have any agreement
with respect to environmental laws; however, it promotes and encourages the
maintenance of sustainability among the member countries while carrying out any
trade. The contribution of WTO to sustainable development comes in a form of
allocating the resources and making the trade and economic growth more
predictable with an anticipation of protecting the environment.
India etc. versus US:
‘shrimp-turtle’, case
of 1998, a case brought by India, Malaysia, Pakistan and Thailand against the
US for imposing the prohibition on import of certain shrimp. This case is
important in aspects, firstly, WTO held that the authority WTO is not only
restricted to the trade matters but it also extents to the protection of rights
of humans, animals and the life of plants. And WTO can also take measures to
conserve resources. The second reason is that WTO stated ‘... We have not
decided that the sovereign nations that are Members of the WTO cannot adopt
effective measures to protect endangered species, such as sea turtles. Clearly,
they can and should. ...’34
CHALLENGES OF
WTO AND TRIPS
It is noteworthy that the attitude of
member states has yet not changed towards the international bodies. The World
Trade Organisation is not untouched from this and hence it struggles to make
the member states follow the rulings of WTO.35
For instance, the WTO has not yet been able to come to a consensus with respect
to new rules on agricultural goods as there is a conflict between developing
and developed Nations.
In 2016, the United States of America
blocked the appointment of an appellate body which is the third stage of the
dispute settlement system. The argument of the USA was that the appellate body
was acting ultra-vires and was enjoying powers that was beyond its authority.
So in that year, the dispute settlement system was inoperative, and the WTO
members have not been able to come to a consensus with respect to reforming the
mechanism.36
The trade tension between the United
States of America and China has put a strain on the WTO, and the WTO has not
yet been able to resolve the issue for more than half a decade. These two
nations are the economic power blocks and the tensions between them are
ultimately impacting the global economy.37
It is very apparent on the part of
TRIPS that it has not been able to bring all kinds of countries under the same
umbrella of IP Protection. It has failed to realise the disparity between
developing and developed countries.38
CHALLENGES OF WTO AND TRIPS IN SHAPING STATE
SOVEREIGNTY
One of the major challenges of WTO
and TRIPS in shaping sovereignty of the states is being categorized as erosion
of national sovereignty being equated as the loss of border sovereignty. Losing
border sovereignty also means losing internal economic sovereignty, which
forces nations to adopt the deregulation and privatization agendas of
neoliberal policies. WTO accords, such as TRIPS, restrict countries' ability to
impede trade or meddle in the choices made by domestic or foreign capital to
invest. This undermines the sovereignty of a state by limiting its capacity to
enact laws that could be beneficial to it. States and government systems face
challenges from international bodies such as the WTO, such as
extraterritoriality and jurisdictional conflict and overlap. Conflicts between
international accords and national legislation may result from this. Capacity of
a state to manage and control intellectual property inside their borders is
restricted by the strict intellectual property protections imposed by TRIPS.
This may restrict access to necessary products and services and impede
innovation. Considering all these aspects, state sovereignty faces serious
obstacles from the WTO and TRIPS, underscoring the necessity of a well-rounded
strategy that takes into account both domestic concerns and global commitments.
WAY FORWARD FOR WTO IN
SHAPING OF STATE SOVEREIGNTY
The World
Trade Organization (WTO) must find a careful balance between advancing
international trade and upholding national interests if it is to continue
influencing the sovereignty of a state. In order to do this, the WTO's
agreements must place a high priority on adaptability and flexibility, enabling
states to enact laws that are specifically suited to their own economic and
social requirements. In order to maintain efficiency and justice, the WTO
should concentrate on modifying and revising its dispute settlement procedures.
This can entail defining more precise guidelines and processes for settling
conflicts as well as raising accountability and openness. The WTO should also
work to create more inclusive decision-making procedures that involve a wider variety
of parties, such as the private sector, civil society, and developing nations.
Ensuring that WTO accords align with the varied interests and concerns of its
member nations would be facilitated by this measure. In the end, the WTO's
capacity to adjust to the changing requirements of its member countries while
advancing a more just and sustainable international trade system will determine
how successful it is in influencing state sovereignty.
WAY FORWARD FOR TRIPS IN
SHAPING OF STATE SOVEREIGNTY
In order
to continue developing the sovereignty of a state, TRIPS must find a balance
between advancing national interests and safeguarding intellectual property
rights. Countries can use the adaptability included in the TRIPS Agreement to
pursue public policies that safeguard biodiversity, defend public policies
through the implementation of TRIPS-compatible standards, and create
macroeconomic conditions that foster economic development in order to achieve
this equilibrium. States can utilize innovative approaches, such limiting the
use of trademarks and establishing exceptions to granted rights, to incorporate
TRIPS principles into domestic law and practice. By lowering or raising
the TRIPS standards, states can modify the degree of protection to fit their
own requirements. The implementation of enforcement tools in line with national
interests is a way for states to fulfil their commitments under TRIPS.
Legislations pertaining to topics that are not addressed by TRIPS, like
handicrafts and traditional knowledge, is left up to individual countries.
States can recover part of the sovereignty they forfeited as a result of
globalization and international institutions, like the WTO by utilizing these
opportunities and implementing important reforms. They will be more equipped to
advance sustainable development and safeguard their states’ interests as a
result.
EPILOGUE
It is pertinent to note that the
international organisations are still struggling to make a stand at the
international level. The countries are exploiting the trade law and completely
disregarding the WTO agreements as per their whims and fancies. Sometimes the
countries stand against other countries which affect the functioning of WTO and
sometimes the countries do not follow the trade law to impose tariff or
carry-on anti-competitive activities which halts the functioning of WTO.
As we looked into the historical
development of the trade law and how WTO has been making efforts to tackle the
current issues and its ambit to provide maximum protection to underprivileged
nations and to make the market free from trade barriers. We also discussed
facilitation of services that have become essential during this time. With such
services a new challenge posed to the WTO and TRIPS, that is to provide proper
protection to the intangible assets as well.
The policymakers have to facilitate
services trade. Facilitating international travel will be important not only
for the travel industry but also for other sectors. However, international
travel does not only have to take place safely, numerous initiatives exist to
facilitate safe international mobility and make existing national or
international aid-level systems interoperable. One of these initiatives exists
at the OECD, and the policymakers should look at these initiatives and
participate in them either or elsewhere to facilitate safe international
mobility across the globe.
The second important initiative is
the one in the area of digital trade. Digital trade has played an essential
role during the pandemic and can play an important role in the new normal that
many of us expect to be more digital. Recent work at OECD on a digital trade
intervention inventory has shown that there are a lot of commonalities across
the regulations that are placed at national levels on digital trade. Many of
those regulations refer to already existing international instruments. If there
are many commonalities across domestic regulations in digital trade, then it
should be impossible to overcome the differences that still exist and to make
the different regulatory schemes speak more to each other in order to
facilitate digital trade even further.
Last but not least, let us discuss
the example of an initiative that can contribute to facilitating trade-in
services: the joint statement initiative on domestic services regulation at the
WTO. Research conducted has shown that if countries would meet the kind of
regulations and the kind of levels of liberalisation that are being discussed
under the joint statement initiative, and if countries, for instance in the
APEC region would go to those levels of services, liberalization and transparency
would increase. If they would do this, the cost of services trade could be reduced
by around seven per cent. Reaching that kind of liberalization of services
trade and reduction of the cost for services trade would be important not only for
the APEC region, but also for the world. It is necessary for services trade to
flourish and to contribute to a vigorous recovery, that we would expect to experience
in the coming years.
Finally, the
nature of state sovereignty has been significantly altered by the World Trade
Organization and the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual
Property Rights (TRIPS). Authority of states to manage their economies,
safeguard national interests, and give priority to sustainable development and
public health has been curtailed by WTO and TRIPS, which has established a
structure of international trade regulations and intellectual property
safeguards. These accords have reduced national sovereignty and limited the
ability of governments to make laws and regulations, even as they have
facilitated international trade and the integration of economies. States have
to walk a tightrope between upholding their sovereignty and complying with
international responsibilities as they negotiate the challenges of
globalization. The borders of state sovereignty were subsequently redefined by
the WTO and TRIPS, highlighting the necessity for countries to stand up for
their national interests and negotiate adaptable accords that put their own
welfare and development first.
*
LL.M, NET, PhD, Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Bankura University,
Email – chatterjeedrsangeeta@gmail.com
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3 Ibid.
4 WTO,
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23 Ibid.
24 YouTube,
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30 Ibid.
31 WTO, An economic analysis of
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