ECONOMIC VIABILITY OF ONE NATION ONE ELECTION AND ITS IMPACT ON REGIONAL POLITICS BY - ARIHANT MISHRA & CHIRAYU SHARDA
ECONOMIC
VIABILITY OF ONE NATION ONE ELECTION AND ITS IMPACT ON REGIONAL POLITICS
AUTHORED BY - ARIHANT
MISHRA & CHIRAYU SHARDA
Abstract
The concept of "One
Nation, One Election" has been a subject of significant debate in our
country as it has the potential to transform the political and economic
landscape of India. This research paper delves into the economic viability and
political implications of synchronizing elections across the country for the
Lok Sabha and state legislatures. By examining historical precedents, economic
data, and various electoral practices, the research evaluates whether this
reform can lead to substantial cost savings, improved governance and reduced
policy paralysis caused by frequent elections in India. The research further
explores the impact of ONOE on regional politics, analyzing whether it could
centralize the political discourse, diminish the influence of regional parties
and undermine federalism. It also investigates concerns about the logistical
and constitutional challenges of implementing this reform and addresses the
socio-political implications for India's diverse electorate which is our
backbone. Through a multidisciplinary approach, incorporating economic
analysis, political theory and comparative studies, this research paper aims to
provide us a nuanced understanding of how "One Nation, One Election"
could reshape India's democratic framework and political structures. The
findings offers critical insights into the feasibility and consequences of
ONOE. Few recommendations have also been proposed so as to balance economic
efficiency with the preservation of India’s pluralistic and federal ethos.
Historical Background-
After
independence, India adopted the system wherein Lok Sabha elections along with
all State Legislative Assembly elections simultaneously took place. A common
electoral roll for each constituency was prepared and used for both Lok Sabha
and State Assembly elections, thus avoiding duplications and easy management of
the voters. The idea of simultaneous elections is not new for India. Elections
to Lok Sabha and all State legislative Assemblies were held simultaneously from
1951 to 1967 after the adoption of the Constitution. The first general
elections to Lok Sabha and State Assemblies took place simultaneously in
1951-52 and this became a trend for three more consecutive general elections
conducted in 1957, 1962, and in 1967[1]. The method worked initially as both the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies
were constitutionally directed to serve five-year terms, ensuring
synchronization. During the first few elections, the dominance of the Congress
Party at both central and state levels provided political stability, which
facilitated simultaneous elections. The absence of coalition politics and the
relatively smaller number of political parties reduced the chances of premature
dissolution of assemblies.
This cycle of simultaneous elections went amiss in 1968 and
1969 because of the premature dissolution of some of the State Legislative
Assemblies. The Fourth Lok Sabha was also dissolved prematurely in 1970, and
fresh elections were held in 1971. Unlike the First, Second, and Third Lok
Sabha, which completed their full five-year terms, the term of the Fifth Lok
Sabha was extended up to 1977 under Article 352 due to the declaration of
Emergency[2]. Since then, only a few Lok Sabha terms have lasted the full five years,
like the Eighth, Tenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth. Furthermore, increasing
political fragmentation at the state level led to frequent changes in
government and non-systematic elections.
Cost Evaluation and Implications of Implementing One Nation,
One Election in India-
One Nation, One Election"
(ONOE) has generated mixed opinion in India. Its proponents believe that it
will reduce election-related expenses and streamline governance, but its
critics raise the issue of massive initial costs and logistical challenges. Lok
Sabha elections has seen a significant jump in the recent years. Compared to
the cost incurred for conducting 2009 Lok Sabha elections at about Rs. 1115
crores, the same for the year 2014 more than tripled to about Rs. 3870 crores[3]. State wise elections cost about
significant amount and would vary by population size, with a handful of 3-4
states voting annually and therefore making for a substantial expense in the
total count. Evidently, panchayat and municipal corporations also involve
election expenditures that go on to contribute to the financial costs of
staggered electoral cycles. Business organizations like CII, FICCI, and
ASSOCHAM supported the proposal, highlighting the positive impact on economic
stability by reducing disruptions and costs associated with election cycles[4].
Financial
Implications of ONOE
Potential Cost Savings:
1.
Reducing Administrative Overlap in Elections- Synchronizing of elections will
only reduce the following repeated administrative cost burdens that are
associated with educating voters; that are to set up polling stations and
deploy polling staff.
2.
Streamlining Security Expenditures- Elections involve massive deployments of security
personnel, including para-military staff. Simultaneous elections will eliminate
repetitive security arrangements.
3.
Cost Savings in Political Campaigns- Political parties and candidates spend billions on
campaigns for separate elections. Synchronization may result in the
consolidation of campaigns.
4.
Savings due to lesser MCC Disruptions- The Model Code of Conduct bars the governments from
announcing new projects or policies during elections. Elections frequently delay
developmental activities for long periods.
While ONOE guarantees long-term
savings, the initial costs are high:
The Election Commission
of India will require 12–15 lakh extra Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) and
Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) units. The Parliamentary Committee
report indicates that ECI expects an expenditure of about Rs. 9300 crores for
procurement of EVMs and VVPATs. However, this cost would be a one-time cost and
EVMs and VVPATs could be used for subsequent elections given a life of about 15
years[5]. The construction of 800+ warehouses
to accommodate the additional EVMs and VVPATs. Training millions of election
officials and security personnel to handle simultaneous elections. Organizing
large-scale campaigns to educate voters about the new system. Constitutional
amendments and electoral law changes, Articles 83, 85, 172, and 174 to
facilitate ONOE. Establishment of machinery for the early dissolution of
assemblies or the Lok Sabha. The cost of holding elections for Lok Sabha and
State Assemblies has been pegged at Rs. 4500 crore by the ECI in case elections
are held simultaneously. These figures indicate that simultaneous elections
would help the exchequer curtail election expenditures in a significant manner[6].
Impact
of Model Code of Conduct (MCC) on Governance and Development-
Model Code of Conduct:
MCC is issued by the ECI to ensure political parties and contestants follow
certain behavioural codes[7]. The MCC is imposed a month before
the start of the election dates, until the results of an election are announced[8]. The free and fair elections do come
at the cost of large governance and development difficulties, as implemented in
the elections. The idea of One Nation, One Election intends to reduce electoral
cycles and hence periods of application of MCC.
Current Impact of MCC on Governance and Development
MCC prevents governments
from releasing new policies, schemes, or projects that can sway voters. This
leads to delays in policy decisions and stalling of vital policy implementation.
A significant number of administrative and law enforcement resources is
diverted towards election-related tasks, which further hampers normal
governance. Infrastructure and development projects are delayed during MCC
enforcement for not wanting to sway the electoral vote. Non-simultaneous
elections would need to impose MCC four times in 5 years, as compared to once
in five years. Anecdotally, for instance, in Maharashtra, if the days spent on
election campaigning and voting were to be added together it could amount to
about 300 days in an average year in some states[9]. Projects with new approval and
budget allocation see significant delays. Construction, infrastructure, etc.,
are directly dependent on government contracts. Those industries see the
slowdown during an election period.
Possible Advantages of ONOE in Resolution of MCC-Related Issues:
The synchronisation of
elections through ONOE will ensure MCC is enforced only once in five years,
reducing interruptions. Governments can work on long-term governance and
development without being interrupted frequently due to MCC. Since the number
of interruptions will be fewer, infrastructure and developmental projects can
be completed within the stipulated time. Improved MCC cycles will provide steady
economic activity as well as allow industries dependent on government services
and clearances to proliferate Election-related resources, such as personnel and
finances, would be used more effectively in a coordinated election system.
Administrators and law enforcement agencies can focus on governance rather than
being diverted, time and again, into election-related activities.
Recommended Strategies on Effective Management of MCC in ONOE
Reform MCC Guidelines: Exemptions for
critical projects and emergency decisions to ensure seamless governance.
Completion of ongoing programs during MCC should not be interrupted.
Transparency Enhancement: Using a digital platform, track and communicate the developmental project position to the public during an MCC period. Strong checks must prevent MCC exceptions misuse.
Transparency Enhancement: Using a digital platform, track and communicate the developmental project position to the public during an MCC period. Strong checks must prevent MCC exceptions misuse.
Phased Implementation
of ONOE: Pilot the
synchronized election model in select states to address operational challenges
before nationwide implementation.
Effect on Regional Parties
and Impact on Federalism-
THERE CAN BE VARIOUS EFFECTS
OF ONOE ON REGIONAL PARTIES
SUCH AS-
·
Resource constraints – Various regional parties may face
issues in mobilizing resources to compete with national parties
on a larger scale.
·
Coalition dynamics – ONOE can lead to more pre – election
alliances, altering regional political strategies.
·
Marginalization of regional issues – ONOE might amplify national
narratives and issues which can ultimately lead to sidelining of regional
concerns like ethnic and minority
rights, local development and agrarian and
rural concerns.
·
Shift in campaign strategies – regional
parties might be forced to align
their agendas with national narratives to remain relevant
in public and politics in general, leading to their
diluted focus on local issues and regional identities.
IMPACT ON FEDERALISM –
·
Erosion of state autonomy
- ONOE may weaken
the federal structure
by centralizing political discourse in favour of national parties like
the BJP, INC OR AAP.
·
Uniform governance cycle - If ONOE is implemented then states may lose their flexibility to dissolve
assemblies and conduct elections on regional needs and issues.
·
Uniform policy prioritization - simultaneous elections could result in one
–size –fits –all approach to governance, where central priorities and agendas
dominate, potentially ignoring the diverse developmental needs of individual
states.
One of
the most prominent example of impact on regional parties and federalism in India due to simultaneous elections was the time in 1950s-60s during which the INC
dominated the overall discourse overshadowing regional movements like the Dravidian movement in Tamil Nadu[10] and parties
which endorsed it, as voters
prioritized national agenda over local issues due to which regional parties
struggled to gain traction.
Influence on Voter’s behaviour
and Impact on Coalition
Politics-
INFLUENCE ON VOTER BEHAVIOUR-
·
Nationalization of elections – Many voters may prioritize national
issues like national security over local concerns
and issues affecting the electoral prospects of
regional parties.
·
Reduction in voter fatigue
– A simultaneous and single election
cycle may lead to enhanced voter turnout but might dilute focus on
regional governance.
Internationally,
Bulgaria's experience illustrates us the impact of frequent elections on voter fatigue.
Between years 2021 -24
Bulgaria held six elections in span of three years, leading to decreased voter
turnout and engagement. Internationally, Bulgaria's experience illustrates the
impact of frequent elections on voter fatigue[11].
IMPACT ON COALITION POLITICS
–
Regional parties
play a pivotal role in in forming
coalition governments and synchornizing elections at a time might
diminish their bargaining power, as national
narratives could overshadow regional priorities.
Historical context: Regional parties such as Shiv Sena (Maharashtra) and JMM (Jharkhand) have historically
leveraged their influence in coalition dynamics and by implementing ONOE this advantage
could be eroded.
The
NITI Aayog's 2017 report, "Analysis of Simultaneous Elections: The 'What', 'Why', and 'How'", discusses the potential impact of
simultaneous elections on coalition politics in India.
The report suggests that
synchronizing national and state election cycles could stabilize coalition
governments by reducing the frequency of elections, thereby minimizing
political disruptions and fostering consistent policy implementation across the
nation. However, it also acknowledges concerns that simultaneous elections may diminish
the bargaining power of regional parties in coalition formations, as national
narratives might overshadow regional issues and agendas.
Case Study and Historical Context-
Historical context: Pre-1967
Simultaneous Elections in India -
From the years (1952 to 1967), India conducted simultaneous elections for the state legislative assemblies and Lok Sabha.
This practice was disrupted due to the political instability caused by
coalition governments and mid-term dissolutions of state legislative assemblies.
During this period, regional parties in India had limited influence, as
national parties like Indian national Congress dominated both state and central
elections and overall political narrative.
However, the breakdown of elections
at same time gave way for regional parties to rise like the (Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam in Tamil Nadu) and (Shiv
Sena in Maharashtra), tailoring their campaigns to address specific state
issues without competing with national narratives and parties at large.
·
Context: The Telangana
Rashtra Samithi (TRS),
a regional party in the newly formed state of Telangana,
preponed the state elections in 2018, to
avoid coinciding with the Lok Sabha elections of 2019.
·
Reason:
TRS feared that simultaneous election
with Lok Sabha
could overshadow their regional agenda with national narratives
propagated by parties like the BJP and INC.
·
Impact of strategy: The TRS strategy succeeded in
avoiding voter polarization based on national issues,
which helped them secure a decisive victory in the state elections.
·
Observation: This instance
underscores the apprehension of regional parties
regarding the overshadowing of local issues in synchronized elections.
Insights
from Historical and Contemporary Contexts:
Simultaneous elections
could streamline the administrative processes and reduce costs of elections
but may pose challenges for regional parties, as national issues could
dominate, undermining federalism. Historical
experiences and case study mentioned
above highlights the tension between electoral efficiency
and the preservation of diverse regional voices in India's democratic
framework.
Effect of ONOE on Regional Minorities and Marginalized Groups-
ONOE has the potential to marginalize issues pertinent to regional
minorities or backward classes
in India, as their concerns
and issues might not align with
national narratives. ONOE has the potential to overshadow concerns of regional
minorities like Gorkhas, Bodos,
Bhils, Santhals and Muslims (are regional minorities in several states) each of
which faces unique challenges related to identity, rights and socio – economic
development.
Example: Tribal and Dalit
issues often receive
more attention in state elections of Jharkhand and Uttar
Pradesh than in national one i.e. of Lok Sabha,
because they are in considerable number
in these states and
have influence in political arena. Synchronized elections have the ability to
overlook their concerns.
Arguments For and Against ONOE in the Regional Context-
Arguments For-
·
Administrative Efficiency: There would be reduced
logistical and financial
burden.
·
Governance Stability: It would ensure continuity in policy implementation.
Arguments Against-
·
Undermining Diversity: It risks marginalizing regional
identities.
·
Monopolization:
National parties may dominate the overall discourse, overshadowing regional voices
and concerns.
Regional Identity
and Campaign Strategies-
Regional parties may need to rethink and reconfigure their strategies to
be able to compete in a landscape dominated by national narratives. National
narratives like the one propagated by the BJP during 2019 have the capacity to distract public from their regional
concerns. For example AAP in
Delhi focuses on governance issues unique to the region like free water,
electricity and medical facilities for people and BJD in Odisha campaigns on
regional identity and welfare programs. If ONOE is implemented then these
parties may need to change their way of campaign and governance along with new
measures for protecting regional identities of their people.
Comparative Study: Implementing One Nation, One Election in
India and Lessons from Other Countries-
I.
Cross-National Comparisons
Some nations hold simultaneous
elections for their central and local authorities. Their practice is a
potential source of informative learning for the prospective benefits and
detriments of ONOE.
1.
South Africa: National
and provincial elections take place every five years[13]. Local government elections take
place independently thus easing the burdens on logistics. However,
this has also led to a stronger
dominance and hold of
the ruling national party, limiting provincial autonomy.
2.
Indonesia: Elections
of president, national legislature, and regional councils of Indonesia are
simultaneous every five years[14]. The big archipelago country is
confronted with logistical difficulties almost similar to India. Furthermore, simultaneous
elections were designed to reduce electoral expenditure and streamline
governance. However, studies point out that the extreme focus on national-level
leadership often overshadowed the significance
of local elections in Indonesia, reducing
regional accountability.
Lessons for India
The historical and international context
of simultaneous elections provides us some
critical insights and lessons –
Ø South Africa's Independent
Electoral Commission manages all the elections, with uniformity and
clarity. Simultaneously coordinating Lok Sabha and State Assemblies while the
local bodies have separate election may make easier India's shift.
Ø Advanced Planning i.e. in depth pre-election planning
ensures smooth implementation despite Indonesia's geographical diversity.
Indonesia's electronic voter registration and electronic voting could be used
by India to deal with its vast electorate.
Ø Policy Alignment vs. Regional Autonomy: While simultaneous elections in India may ensure better coordination between
central and state policies, they risk undermining the regional autonomy.
Ø National vs. Local Issues: A combined
electoral cycle has the potential
to overshadow local concerns like farmer distress and drug addiction in
Punjab, ethnic and tribal identity protection in the North eastern states such
as Assam and farmer suicides in Vidarbha and Marathwada regions in Maharashtra,
reducing accountability at the state level.
Ø Potential Impact on Regional Parties: The historical and eventual rise of regional parties
post-1967 suggests and indicates that non-simultaneous elections create space for
regional aspirations. A return to simultaneous elections as practiced earlier might reverse this trend,
centralizing political narratives.
II.
Intra-State Comparisons
The federal structure of India poses
unique challenges for the complete application of ONOE as state elections are
held separately at their assembly term.
1. Phased Polling in the Early Period of
Indian Independence- 1947-1967:
India had conducted general elections simultaneously for the Lok Sabha and
State Assemblies. This was discontinued due to avoidable dissolution and
political instability.
ONOE Implications: Political
stability and mechanisms for handling premature dissolutions are necessary to
ensure that the elections stay in sync.
2.
Simultaneous Elections (Lok Sabha + Assembly
Elections)
2019: Lok Sabha and Assembly elections in
Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Arunachal Pradesh, and Sikkim.
2014: Lok Sabha and Assembly elections in
Andhra Pradesh and Odisha.
ONOE Implications: Cost-saving in
terms of resources and manpower. Enhances voter turnout by consolidating
election efforts. Requires alignment of the tenure of both central and state
governments. State-specific issues may get overshadowed by national issues
during campaigns.
III.
Key Challenges in Adapting International Practices to India
1. Diverse Electoral Timelines: Unlike
countries with fixed-term legislatures, India’s assemblies may be dissolved
prematurely, disrupting synchronization efforts.
2. Population Size and Geographic Scale:
India alone has more than 900 million voters, and none other has, which is very
difficult to match logistically
3. Federal Autonomy: Indian states have
an intrinsic constitutional prerogative with regard to its legislative tenure:
that is where the synchronization really becomes difficult to implement.
4. Voter Awareness and Behaviour:
Because simultaneous elections put the spotlight mostly on national instead of
regional topics, the electoral choices of voters in their representation
change.
IV.
Suggestions for Adoption of ONOE in India
1. Gradual Harmonization: First, test
the ground with phased alignment of some states' elections with Lok Sabha.
2. Electoral Calendar: A constitutional
amendment for the fixed electoral calendar.
3. Development of Election
Infrastructure: Usage of EVMs, and more storage structure development along
with human resource training to increase scale.
4. Technology: Increase ease of digital
forms of registration and enhance the transparency through the blockchain-based
voting.
5. Consensus Building: Consult the
political parties, the state governments, and the other stakeholders to acquire
the buy-in for the ONOE model.
Challenges and Recommendations for Implementing One Nation,
One Election in India:
The idea of "One
Nation, One Election" actually aims to centre the idea of synchronizing
Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assembly elections, thus making elections less
frequent with associated distractions. However, such a scheme in a vast and
complex democracy like India presents many challenges.
Constitutional and
Legal Challenges: Articles
83, 85, 172, 174, and 356 of the Constitution call for amendments so that the
term of Lok Sabha and State Assemblies may be made identical. Legal intricacies
involved in obtaining a consensus for the amendment of these provisions are
that it should receive two-thirds majority of Parliament and approval by half
of the states. No amendment is necessary which would extend this term beyond
five years. The only change is that in the event of a mid-term dissolutions,
the term of the reconstituted legislature shall be for a period lesser than
five years and for the remaining unexpired period of the original term of five
years[15]. Assemblies or the Lok Sabha can be
dissolved prematurely before the completion of their term in view of political
instability. This may disrupt the election cycle. These issues can be
managed by introducing constitutional measure to handle premature dissolutions,
such as caretaker governments or temporary extensions. Establish a mechanism
for deferred elections in exceptional cases.
Logistical Challenges:
Sufficient
infrastructure for safely storing EVM machines in all the districts. Training
millions of election officials and security personnel for handling simultaneous
elections. Coordinating the deployment of central paramilitary forces and local
police across the nation. It can be tackled by providing sufficient
funds to purchase more EVMs and construct storage arrangements. Large-scale
training for election officials and investment in logistics management
technology should be made.
Political and Federal
Obstacles[16]: Regional parties are wary of identity loss and
marginalization in the event of synchronized elections. Interests of national
and regional parties are difficult to reconcile. States are likely to consider
ONOE as an infringement on federal rights. Managing these obstacles by
consulting with political parties and state governments to achieve consensus. A
structure that would provide equal participation to regional parties and uphold
federal principles should be formed.
Financial Issues: The purchase of EVMs, VVPATs, and the
construction of infrastructure may amount to more than ?13,000 crore. Political
parties may face a problem in mobilizing resources for a pan-India campaign.
By dedicating fund to support the initial implementation, which will solve
this issue to certain extent. There could be cap on campaign expenditures to
level the playing field for all sides.
Operational
Challenges: Voter
Awareness[17] and Education i.e. increased voter
understanding is critical for this new system. Disruptions such as floods or
riots could disrupt coordinated elections. Coping up with the challenges
by conducting voter awareness campaigns nationwide through print and electronic
media. Prepare contingency plans in case of disruption and ensure elections are
conducted smoothly.
Implementation
Recommendations:
1. Phased Implementation- Pilot Projects
to begin with a few states to conduct simultaneous elections and check the
feasibility. Gradual Rollout in Implementing ONOE in phases over 10-15 years to
deal with unforeseen challenges.
2. Institution Building- Strengthening
the Election Commission of India to improve the capacity and independence of
the ECI to conduct simultaneous elections.
3. Technology Integration- Digital
Solutions such as leveraging technology like blockchain for secure and
transparent voting. Data Management like using advanced analytics to plan
logistics and resource allocation.
FINAL OPINION
The
proposal for "ONOE" by union government stands at the crossroads of
economic pragmatism and democratic complexity of our nation. This research
paper dives into the potential economic benefits of synchronized elections,
including substantial cost savings, reduced administrative burden and the
possibility of fostering policy stability by mitigating the constant cycle of
elections. However, the stated economic advantages should be weighed against
the implications for our federal structure and regional politics. While the
idea of unified elections across India could streamline governance, it risks
marginalizing regional voices and could reduce the autonomy of state governments
in tailoring their electoral agendas to local concerns and issues. The proposal
also raises significant logistical and constitutional challenges, for example
the need for amendments to align electoral cycles and address scenarios of
mid-term dissolution of state legislatures. A balanced approach is essential to
address these concerns and policymakers must consider some mechanisms to
preserve regional diversity and ensure equitable representation while pursuing
economic efficiency. Ultimately, the success of "One Nation, One
Election" depends on its ability to harmonize economic benefits with the
foundational principles of Indian democracy and federalism that underpin our
polity. By engaging in a comprehensive and inclusive dialogue, the government should
explore a path that aligns economic aspirations with our democratic ideals, so
that it can be ensured that progress does not come at the expense of India’s
diverse political fabric.
REFRENCES-
Statutes-
The Constitution of
India, 1950
The representative of
People Act, 1951 Act
Book-
Ramachandra
Guha, India After Gandhi: The History of the World’s Largest Democracy,
Macmillan, 2007
Articles-
Ø TRS disssolved assembly to avoid
‘Modi factor’ in 2019: J P Nadda | India News - The Indian Express
Reports-
·
HLC REPORT, 2024(High Level Committee
Report on Simultaneous Elections in India)
·
https://static.pib.gov.in/WriteReadData/specificdocs/documents/2024/dec/doc20241217473101.pdf
[1] https://static.pib.gov.in/WriteReadData/specificdocs/documents/2024/dec/doc20241217473101.pdf
[2] https://static.pib.gov.in/WriteReadData/specificdocs/documents/2024/dec/doc20241217473101.pdf
[4] https://static.pib.gov.in/WriteReadData/specificdocs/documents/2024/dec/doc20241217473101.pdf
[8] HLC REPORT, Page no-167(Para 27)
[10] A. Ramachandra Guha, India After
Gandhi: The History of the World’s Largest Democracy, Macmillan, 2007
[13] HLC REPORT, Page no-117
[14] HLC REPORT, Page no-120
[15] HLC REPORT, Page no-260(Para 7)