Open Access Research Article
REGIONALISM-PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES IN INDIA
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Article Details
REGIONALISM-PROBLEMS
AND PERSPECTIVES IN INDIA
AUTHORED BY
- MISS. ANAGHA YASHAWANT SAGAR
LL.M Second Year. Sem :III
Progressive
Education Society’s
Modern Law
College, Pune
Savitribai
Phule Pune University, Pune
2023-2024
ABSTRACT
Regionalism is less about feeling
like an individual and more about a "politics of pressure" and
negotiating tactic. It is common to observe that residents of a certain region
incite their fellow citizens' feelings for the purpose of achieving their
particular demands and take up a confrontationist stance towards both the
centre and other states. Once their particular demands are met and their strong
regional emotions subside, they become more subdued. While nationalism and
regionalism are sometimes seen as mutually exclusive, this isn't always the
case. It is necessary to strike a balance between regional and national
interests; when this balance is struck, regionalism takes on a positive role
and supports the nation's unity and integrity. However, regionalism turns
harmful and we should be cautious when it takes the shape of separatist. The
issue of regionalism is not limited to Indian politics; rather, it is a global
phenomena that is having an impact on politics in many forms throughout the
world. Its foundation and nature, however, varied throughout the world.
Regionalism was intentionally fostered by many, leading to the outcome that the
people of each region thought more in terms of their region than of India as a
whole. Even before India gained its freedom, regionalism was used as a tool by
the imperialists to support their strategy of keeping India divided. Since
independence, this issue has taken a significant turn in India, presenting a
severe threat to the nation's unity and integrity. Every precaution was taken
in the constitution to guarantee that the notion of regionalism was eradicated
at its source. However, as time has gone on, it has become increasingly evident
that regional sentiments are strong in India, and local authorities there
heavily take advantage of these sentiments in order to uphold or even
strengthen their position of power. In this sense, regionalism is becoming more
and more ingrained, making it harder and harder to eradicate.
Keywords: Regionalism, Reorganisation and
Creation, Categorical Division, Consolidation
I.INTRODUCTION
The Concept of Regionalism in India
Strong ties
to one's home region are known as regionalism. For instance, rather than
identifying as "Indians," people in India identify more as citizens
of their respective states, such as Tamilians, Bengalis, Biharis, etc. It is
possible to reduce regionalism to a smaller scale, such as a hamlet. For many
generations, Indian communities have maintained their unique identity. A
villager's identity is more closely associated with their village than with
their region, state, or nation.
An ideology
and political movement known as regionalism aims to further the interests of
specific regions. As a process, it functions both domestically and
internationally, or at the international level. There are benefits and
drawbacks to both forms of regionalism in terms of society, politics,
diplomacy, economy, security, culture, development, and negotiations.
Internationally, regionalism refers to a collection of nations, such as those
in Southeast Asia or Western Europe, that are connected by geography, history,
or economic characteristics. It can also apply to transnational collaboration
aimed at achieving a common objective or solving a shared problem. When used in
this context, regionalism refers to initiatives taken to strengthen the
connections between the economic characteristics of the nations. The term's
second meaning is to regionalism at the national level, denoting a process
wherein authority shifts from the central government to regional governments as
sub-state actors gain greater influence. These are the geographical areas of
the nation that are unique in terms of their cultures, languages, and other
sociocultural elements. We will now go into great length regarding nation-level
regionalism in relation to India.[1]
Background of Regionalism in India:
The phenomenon of regionalism in the
political system of India is not new. Since 1947, if not before, regionalism
has remained, arguably, the most powerful force in Indian politics. India's
vast diversity of languages, cultures, tribes, groups, faiths, and other
identity markers forms the basis of regionalism, which is also fueled by a
sense of deprivation in particular regions and promoted by the concentration of
these identity markers in particular regions. India continued to be the home of
numerous nations, regions, civilizations, and customs for many years. The
fundamental idea that this illustrates is that, both historically and
currently, the primary way that regionalism in India has attempted to manifest
itself is through the internal self-determination of communities, regardless of
their linguistic, tribal, religious, regional, or combinations of these
characteristics. In order to preserve their hold over India during the national
movement, British imperialists used it during the pre-independence era by
purposefully encouraging people in different regions to think in terms of their
region rather than the country as a whole.
In his book Language Conflict and
National Development, Jyotirindra Das Gupta explores this issue in further
detail and suggests that regionalism be understood in the context of its social,
political, ethnic, and linguistic contexts. However, he emphasises that the
most crucial component of regionalism, particularly in developing nations, is
the issue of linguistic conflict. Additionally, he contends that "the
transformation of traditional societies into modern political communities"
was typically accompanied by language modernization "both in Europe and
elsewhere." But in the sense that "in such societies, administration,
religious affairs, literary activity, and ordinary communication tend to be
carried on in different languages," traditional cultures seem to exhibit
extremes of linguistic diversity."[2]
Therefore, in a traditional society, the general populace speaks a range of
regional dialects, but governmental and religious matters may be conducted in a
foreign language. In support of John Gumperz's theory, he notes that poor
literacy and the significant time and effort required for language acquisition
tended to favour power polarisation among a relatively tiny elite.[3]
Thus, internal language variety
represented extremes of political and social stratification.
II.
CULTIVATION OF REGIONALISM
Pre-Independent India:
The foundation of the British Empire
was laid by the three cities of Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta. The presidencies
of Bengal, Bombay, and Madras were gradually expanded to include the newly
acquired regions of east, west, and south India. As a result, three original
British Indian provinces were created. During the initial stage of the
establishment of their empire, the British created larger states.
The division of larger states into
smaller ones marked the beginning of the second stage in the creation of the
British Indian provinces. The first state of its kind was Assam. The
development of imperial interests and effective administration was the only
motivation behind the British people's geographical reorganisation and creation
of new States. The British State saw welfare and development as low priorities.
The "Divide and rule" policy was always given the proper weight and
consideration. There were three different types of provinces in British India:
chief commissioner's provinces, lieutenant governor's provinces, and governor's
provinces.
India was not unifiedly ruled by the
British during their rule, and the following regions can be distinguished:
1. Areas under effective British
control,
2. Partially administered areas,
3. Un-administered areas and.
4. The areas controlled by the native princes
Regarding the rulers of North-East
India, the following comment holds true for the vast majority of cases as well:
"The British were extremely cautious in their dealings with the rulers of
this region, not knowing their strengths and weaknesses." Gradually, their
circumspect approach gave way to an uncommon firmness. After being treated equally
at first, the Kings and Chiefs were progressively demoted to the position of
Sanad and Kabuliat holders. The Kings' sovereignty was gradually superseded by
British paramountcy. This progressively occurred as the British consolidated
their control over various regions of the nation and became aware of the
underlying weaknesses of the local politics, ruling class, and society.[4]
The Categorical Division of Post
Independent India:
On January 26, 1950, India, or
Bharat, was proclaimed to be a Union of States and a Sovereign Democratic
Republic. By then, the Princely States' merger was virtually finished. At the
time, there were the following State classifications in the nation:
Category A: The states that make up
the United Provinces (U.P.) are Assam, Bihar, Bombay, Madhya Pradesh (Central
Provinces and Berar), Madras, Orissa, Punjab (East Punjab), and West Bengal.
The Governors continued to lead these States, just as they had in the British
era. They were permitted to have Ministerial Councils and elected Legislative
Assemblies.
Category B: Hyderabad, J&K,
Madhya Bharat, Mysore, PEPSU (Patiala and East Punjab States Union), Rajasthan,
Saurashtra, Travancore-Cochin, and Vindhya Pradesh were among the former
Princely States/State Unions that fell under this category. The Raj Pramukh of
the State was the Maharaja of the State. It was known as Sadar-e-Riyasat in
J&K. In the State Union case, one of the Maharajas served as the Raj
Pramukh.
Category C: included the provinces of
the Chief Commissioner: Delhi, Himachal Pradesh, Kutch, Manipur, Tripura, and
Cooch Behar; Ajmer, Bhopal, Bilaspur, and Coorg. This encompassed Delhi, Coorg,
and Ajmer-Merwara, the three former Chief Commissioner's Provinces.
Category D: Islands of Andaman &
Nicobar. Based on historical evidence, the national movement led to the
country's liberation, and the regional forces proved to be extremely important
in the fight against the antiimperialist forces. It frequently battles the
oppressive powers of huge, chauvinistic nations.
Following independence, the leaders
made an effort to foster a sense of unity among the populace. The goal of
single citizenship for everybody was intended by the constitution's framers.
However, given the complexity of India and the breadth and diversity of its
languages and cultures, a strong sense of love and allegiance to one's region
began to emerge, making regionalism unavoidable.
India after Independence:
India was
divided into Princely States, British Indian regions, and Portuguese and French
colonial regions before to its independence. The Government of India Act of
1935 called for the creation of an All-India Federation with provinces and
princely states serving as its units; however, the proposed federation was
never implemented because of specific circumstances. Later, in 1946, a Cabinet
delegation visited India and declared that princely states were no longer
subject to the supreme authority of the British government and may choose to
remain free or make an agreement with the new government.
On July 5,
1947, the British Parliament approved the Mountbatten Plan-based Indian
Independence Act. A few Princely States had aspirations of independence and
freedom. One of the main issues facing India after independence was this. The
issue is occasionally denoted as either national integration or the political
community's integration of Indians.[5]
Consolidation of India
The State People's movement saw a
resurgence in 1946–1947, calling for political rights and elective
representation in the Constituent Assembly. Announcing that the States refusing
to join the Constituent Assembly will be viewed as hostile, Nehru presided over
the meetings of the All India State People's Conference. The new States
Department was headed by Vallabh Bhai Patel in July 1947, with V P Menon
serving as secretary.
Stage 1 of consolidation
Patel was
well aware of the threat to Indian unity that the state rulers' potential
stubbornness posed. In dealing with princely realms, he adopted the following
strategy: In three areas that impacted the nation's interests as a
whole—foreign policy, defence, and communications—he pleaded with the princes
whose lands were part of India to join the Indian Union. In addition, he
threatened that the government would impose harsher sentences after August 15
and that he would be powerless to quell the agitated citizens of the states.
As a
result, every state—aside from Kashmir, Hyderabad, and Junagagarh—signed a
"instrument of accession" with the Indian government, recognising the
central government's control over communication, defence, and foreign policy.
As a result of these initiatives, 562 of the 565 states with ties to India
signed the instrument of accession between June and August 15, 1947. The Prince
consented as they were receiving just pay although knowing they were not the
true rulers—rather, they were ruled by British supremacy. Prince, for example,
received a beautiful privy purse, the value of which was determined by the
money received by each state.
1. The internal political system
remained unchanged.
2. The desire of the people in these
states was to join India.
III. INTEGRATION OF JUNAGARH
Western India's Kathiawar area was
home to Junagarh. Muhammad Mahabat Khanji III, a Muslim nawab, was in charge of
Junagadh despite the fact that more than 70% of its people were Hindu. The
Nawab of the state declared its accession to Pakistan on August 15, 1947, even
though the majority-Hindu populace of the state wanted to join India, despite
the fact that the state's boundaries did not yet touch Pakistan. A popular
movement was launched, the Nawab was forced to escape, and a provisional
administration was put in place. Shah Nawaz Bhutto, the Dewan of Junagadh, then
made the decision to ask the Indian government to step in. The state held a
plebiscite in February 1948, and the results were strongly in support of
joining India.
IV. INTEGRATION OF KASHMIR
Its borders were shared by Pakistan
and India. Maharaja Hari Singh, a Hindu monarch, governed over a predominantly
Muslim populace in this instance. The king was not eager to become a part of
Pakistan or India. On the other hand, Sheikh Abdullah and the National
Conference, as well as other popular political groups, desired India's
inclusion. In keeping with their general strategy, the Indian political elites
did little to secure Kashmir's accession and instead preferred let the people
of Kashmir determine whether to associate their destiny with Pakistan or India.
But unlike Hyderabad and Junagagarh, Pakistan declined to recognise the
plebiscite principle in this instance.
As winter arrived on October 22, a
number of Pathan tribesmen broke into Kashmir and advanced quickly on Srinagar,
the region's capital, under the cover of unofficial leadership by Pakistani
army commanders. The Maharaja made a military aid request to India on October
24. Even at this late date, Nehru was opposed to accession without first finding
out what the people's will was. The Maharaja consented to recognise Abdullah as
the head of state's administration along with his accession to India on October
26.
India, in keeping with its democratic
commitment, declared that it would hold a referendum on the accession decision
after peace and law and order had been restored in the Valley, despite the fact
that both the Maharaja and the National Conference supported solid and
permanent accession. Indian leaders moved quickly after the accession, sending
troops by air to Srinagar. The invaders were eventually driven out of the
valley when Srinagar was taken.
To establish lasting peace, The
Indian government approached the UNSC[6]
against the aggression undertaken by Pakistan in Kashmir. On December 31, 1948,
both India and Pakistan accepted a ceasefire that is still in place as a result
of a UNSC resolution. Following Pakistan's withdrawal of its soldiers from the
portion of Kashmir under its control, the UN adopted a resolution in 1951
calling for a referendum to be held under UN supervision. Because Pakistan has
failed to remove its troops from what is known as Azad Kashmir, the resolution
has remained unfulfilled. Since then, India has viewed Kashmir's accession as
final and unchangeable and as an essential component of its territory.
V. THE
DARJEELING AREA:
Based on the significance and
character of the locations, the British had separated the seized territory in
the hill region into a number of categories, such as regulated and
non-controlled areas. This distinction was eliminated by the Council Act of 1861.
In order to preserve the indigenous system of the simple inhabitants,
Darjeeling District was designated as a "Non-Regulated Area" prior to
1861 and between 1870 and 1874. This meant that statutes and regulations of the
British Raj did not automatically apply in the district in line with the rest
of the country, unless specifically expanded. Between 1862 and 1870, it was
regarded as a "Regulated Area."
The phrase "Non-Regulated
Area" was renamed "Scheduled District" in 1874 to keep the
territory beyond the scope of national general law, and it was renamed
"Backward Tracts"[7] in
1919. The designation "Partially Excluded Area" was used to the
situation from 1935 until India gained its independence. But since 1912, Bengal
had maintained overall control over the district.
VI. THE
HYDERABAD AREA:
The Nizam of Hyderabad desired to
maintain his independence under the special rights accorded to princely states
after India gained its independence from the British Empire in 1947. He did not
want to join the Indian Union. He also requested a passageway from India, a
tunnel. Across the state, there had been uprisings against the Nizam's
authority and his Razakar force.
On September 17, 1948, the Indian
Army carried out an operation known as "Operation Polo," which the
administration referred to as "Police action," leading to the
annexation of Hyderabad State. Telugu-speaking people were dispersed across
roughly 22 districts in independent India: nine in the erstwhile Nizam's
dominions of the princely state of Hyderabad, twelve in the Madras Presidency
(Northern Circars), and one in Yanam, which was ruled by the French.
Thus, it is clear that the historical
setting of the Telengana and Gorkhaland movements is formed by British colonial
control before to independence. The Weberian idea of a uniform-rational legal
state was reflected in the theory of territory that underpinned the 1950
Constitution. The organisation only met administrative efficacy requirements;
neither historical nor cultural requirements were met.
However, in the 1950s, regionalist
organisations forced a gradual division of India's territory based on
particularist criteria: language. On the other hand, the British administrative
division accurately demonstrates the Weberian legal rational state. As previously
discussed, none of the regional units under the province division model had any
cultural or ethnic requirements, such as language, religion, caste, or tribe.
The British provinces had a diverse population. Additionally, the state was
partitioned using the same non-ethnic justification.[8]
Early on, there was concern that the
country's unity and integration would be threatened by the demand for a
linguistic state. However, it was eventually acknowledged that adjusting
regional claims would lessen such demands, emphasise diversity, and change the
character and course of democratic politics and leadership so that it was
accessible to a wider range of people than just the small English-speaking
elite.
We are fairly aware that language is
one of the relevant markers of group identification. India, with its astounding
4,635 communities and 325 languages spoken by a population of over a billion
people, has been the birthplace of rich and diverse social movements
representing protest, dissent, reform, or reassertion. It is frequently
referred to as the "Babel of languages" due to its multilingual
nature. Both positively and negatively, linguistic uniformity fosters
regionalism: in the former case, it fosters unity, and in the latter one, it
fosters emotional frenzy.[9]
A regional consciousness, not only in
the sense of negative awareness of absence of repression or exploitation but
also in the lense of scope of positive expression of collective personality of
a people inhabiting a state or region (emphasis added), may be conducive to the
contentment and wellbeing of the community, according to the Report State
Reorganisation Commission of 1955, which also played a significant role in the
creation of language dedication and the growth of regional sentiments. Not only
could a common language facilitate administrative convenience, but it could
also foster the development of such a regional awareness. In a democratic
country like India, the populace has a right to demand and the governments have
an obligation to make sure that the government is run in a language that the
populace can comprehend.[10]
VII.
REGIONALISM AS A SUB STATE MOVEMENT:
Conversely, regionalism in its
positive definition suggests a concept of exploring the self-identity of the
people living in that specific place. In a different context, it is more of a
distinct need to safeguard the economic, linguistic, and racial interests of a
group of people who belong to a country. More specifically, regionalism is a
sub-nationality's campaign against the dominant nationality. A movement is
unquestionably regionalist if it is characterised by a specific racial,
linguistic, or religious group that has settled in a particular area of the
nation and uses necessary political measures to force the authorities to grant
their demands. This movement often stands for either separation or sovereignty
of a special constitutional, administrative, economic, or political status for
themselves at the expense of the rights and interests of other communities.
Therefore, regionalism is another
term for a particular and constrictive political movement that lacks wide
liberal and democratic components. In some instances, however, as in the
situations of Telengan and Gorkhaland, regionalism also had the explicit goal
of achieving separate statehood.
The "diverse trend detrimental
to national unity" is another term used to describe the regional movement.
It's commonly understood to be synonymous with provincialism, which encourages
secession, localism, and isolationism. However, regionalism isn't usually
associated with narrow-minded anti-national groups. Based on historical
evidence, the national movement led to the regional forces' highly exalted
position in the country's liberation from the anti-imperialist forces. It
frequently battles the oppressive powers of huge, chauvinistic nations. Thus,
regionalism is a movement against economic, political, and social injustices as
well as against the hegemonic groups that control the majority of the nation's
population. It is significant to remember that regionalism in India today
carries a number of meanings, including "localism,"
"provincialism," "son of the soil theory,"
"disintegration of Indian States," fights for separate statehood or
provincial autonomy, and struggles for power, particularly economic power.
Whatever its meaning, regionalism has evolved into a separatist movement that
takes many diverse shapes throughout India. Geographical regionalism,
linguistic regionalism, cultural regionalism, ethnic regionalism, and other
forms of regionalism are currently on the rise in India.
It is clear from this situation that
accepting a specific definition of regionalism is exceedingly challenging.
Nevertheless, it may be further stated that India is still in the process of
forming new states, as seen by the fact that there are currently 29 States and
7 Union territories, compared to fewer following independence. Regionalism is a
major factor that has accelerated the process of State creation in India and is
one of the main drivers of this development in Indian society.
VIII. THE
ISSUE OF ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE:
More conceptual understanding—such as
that of ethnicity—is required in order to comprehend both trends. In general, a
group of individuals who lack a country yet share a common culture and way of
life are referred to be "ethnic." Numerous characteristics, such as
religion, caste, geography, descent, race, language, colour, culture, and so
forth, define an ethnic group. An ethnic group's goals are centred on gaining
advantages for itself.
Language plays a crucial role in the
construction and maintenance of ethnic identity. The ethnicity has a more
striking relationship to language than other social factors such as gender,
age, or social class. The construction of race and ethnicity varies greatly
across communities, as well as across and within individuals. Researchers
generally agree that both race and ethnicity are socially constructed
categories. Sociolinguistic research on ethnically diverse linguistic
communities has identified a number of linguistic resources available to
speakers for use in constructing ethnic identities, including the following: a
heritage language, specific sociolinguistic features, code-switching,
suprasegmental features, discourse features and language use, and using a
borrowed variety. Researchers across a variety of disciplines have established
that the construction of an identity involves the integration and coordination
of a variety of social factors in a way that is more complex than a simple
additive model would predict.[11]
Different ethnic groups can be
distinguished based on which linked identification source is prioritised for
defining group membership: group, the subsequent categories of ethnic groupings
are discernible:
i) Ethno-racial
emphasizing shared physical appearance based on genetic origins;
ii) Ethno-religious
emphasizing shared affiliation with a particular religion, denomination and/or
sect;
iii) Ethno-linguistic
emphasizing shared language, dialect and/or script;
iv) Ethno-national
emphasizing a shared polity and/or sense of national identity;
v) Ethno-regional
emphasizing a distinct local sense of belonging stemming from relative
geographic isolation.
India is home to several ethnic and
tribal communities. Ascriptive identities such as caste, language, religion,
geography, etc. are associated with ethnicity. Conflict arises when there is
unequal power distribution between two ethnic groups. The ethnic group is
limited in territory and socially active. It is a pool of symbols that
represent distinctiveness and has a population that is numerically sufficient.
It has a reference group that is used to aggregate feelings of relative
deprivation. After being excluded from the developmental process or perhaps
becoming a victim of uneven development, ethnicity gives rise to ethnic
movements. In Indian politics, ethnicity is not just a result of popular unrest
but also a product of entrenched political interests. Ethnic groups who utilise
their ethnicity to seek changes to their economic standing, status, or other aspects
of their lives are frequently involved in interest group politics.
According to Lake and Rothschild, (1996)
ethnic conflict is a sign of a weak state or a state embroiled in ancient
loyalties.[12] Here,
states operate biasedly in support of a specific ethnic group or area, and
actions like special treatment exacerbate ethnic tensions. Consequently, the
efficacy of governance in challenging or complex political contexts hinges on
its capacity to tackle societal problems and human necessities.
According to T.K. Ompan, there are
two reasons why the demand for a separate state in India is still present.
First, the Indian state is designed to be a multilayered organisation, with
practically any authority granted to the lower three levels—provincial, autonomous
regions, union/federal, zila parishad panchayat. As a result, regional
linguistic communities begin to seek a provincial state, disregarding factors
like population, size, and financial sustainability. Second, through their
vivisection and allegiance to the state dominated by major linguistic
communities, the cultural specificity of subaltern communities is not only
neglected but actively worked to demolish, leading to the marginalisation and
alienation of the former. He also makes the point that the inability of the
Indian governments to effectively connect culture and governance sets a
significant social agenda. Furthermore, the deprivation of the majority of
speech communities has been addressed by the recognition of language as the
foundation for political and administrative units. (Oommen, 2004)[13]
The construction of such a
state and its sustainability necessitate the insight analysis with reference to
three problems of economic viability, social inclusion, and social cohesion.
The desire for separate states for Gorkhaland and Telengana has long existed.
IX.
CONCLUSION
Ultimately, we conclude that while
there will never be a complete solution to the regionalism problem, its effects
can be reduced. The development of appropriate awareness among the populace and
the focus on the balanced growth of the populace are necessary for the
accomplishment of this goal. In addition, India's political climate needs to be
cleaned up since dishonest politics are the source of many of the problems that
result from regionalism.
Promoting
one's regional identity over one's national identification is the ideology of
regionalism. If taken improperly, it can have both negative and positive
consequences. India is a country where regionalism is generally seen negatively
since it threatens the unity of the country. India has seen an increase in
regionalism for a number of reasons, including topography, historical
influences, language, and political considerations. Calls for autonomy, state
conflicts, and secessionism are only a few of the numerous manifestations of
regionalism. To seize power, politicians have attempted to instill a sense of
nationalism. This problem needs to be properly tackled for the sake of national
identity and unity. The idea of "Unity in Diversity" needs to be
upheld if the Indian nation-state is to continue to remain varied. Diverse
people's many objectives must be taken into consideration.
[2] Harbans Singh, The Heritage of the
Sikhs. (New Delhi: Ramesh Jain Manohar Publications, 1953), 335.
[3] Dalip Singh, Dynamics of Punjab
Politics. (New Delhi: Macmillan India, Ltd., 1981), 2
[4] Kumar B. B., The Trend of British
Annexation of North-East India
[6] The United
Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the six principal organs of the United Nations (UN)
[8] Religious traditions in modern
South Asia JS
Hirst, J Zavos - 2013
[10] State
reorganization Commission Report,1955.
[11] http:// https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/cambridge-handbook-of-sociolinguistics/language-and-ethnicity/61E592C820248EF08082276E387BD39F last visited on 28-10-2023
Article Information
REGIONALISM-PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES IN INDIA
Authors: MISS. ANAGHA YASHAWANT SAGAR
- Journal IJLRA
- ISSN 2582-6433
- Published 2023/11/07
- Issue 7
About Journal
International Journal for Legal Research and Analysis
- Abbreviation IJLRA
- ISSN 2582-6433
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