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FUNDAMENTAL THEORY OF RELIGION
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FUNDAMENTAL THEORY OF RELIGION
AUTHORED BY - HANSHIKA MANKU
Abstract
This
paper focuses on the functional theory of religion. Religion is defined functionally in terms of the purposes it serves for individuals and/or society. Emile Durkhiem is the father of modern
sociology and talked about this theory.
The functional theory of religion was given by Durkhiem, but questions
about functionalism were emerging before
Durkhiem as well.
Totemism
might be explained without referencing any past religion. In other words, totemism's characteristics were
unique to itself. Various other philosophers talked about this theory.
Keywords: Sacred-
Profane, Durkhiem, Functionalist, Totemism
[1]What is Functionalism?
Earlier researchers attempted to construct conjecturally the historical development of human civilizations in
their search for general principles regulating
society. Functionalists, on the other hand, attempted to comprehend how modern society functioned. The first thing on their thoughts was whether or not a community
existed in an orderly manner. A functionalist
sees society as a system with interrelated pieces. Parts of this system fulfil certain duties in order for
the systemic whole to be maintained or
run. Now, the above form is a very simple version of functionalism. It has been simplified so that you may grasp it
quickly. However, there are several differences
within functionalist theory. Functionalism in sociology is established by researchers such as
Malinowki, Radcliffe-Brown, Taleott Parsons, and Merton.
Emile Durkhiem
Emile
Durkheim (1858-1917), a French sociologist, is regarded as the founding father of modern sociology. He
taught education and sociology at the
University of Bordeaux before moving on to SOOM. He was a significant intellectual figure in France,
and his impact could be seen in fields
as diverse as law, history, and economics. His work might be interpreted as a response
to some nineteenth-century notions on the nature of
human affairs. For him, society came before individuality, and the social could not be reduced to the psychological.
The Division of Labour in Sociew
(1893), The Rules of Sociological Method (1895), Society - - (1897), and The Elementary Farms of the
Religious Life (1912) are his most notable works.
History behind the Functional Thinking
The functional theory of religion was
given by Durkhiem, but questions about functionalism were emerging before
Durkhiem as well.
Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1 859), a
French scholar, recognised early on that religion may serve vital purposes in
society. During his day, it was commonly believed among experts that religion
did neither develop or support democracy. Tocqueville, on the other hand,
proved in his study of American Evangelical Protestantism that it aided the
formation of the democratic spirit in America. Tocqueville suggested that
Catholicism, with changes, might nurture a democratic spirit in France. Another
French thinker, Auguste Comte, advocated a new 'religion of humanity' to foster
greater societal engagement among the French.
JIerbert Spencer (1 820-1903), an
English philosopher, formalised functionalist theory. He likened society to the
human body. As we all know, there is natural coordination among the many organs
in the human body.
Similarly, diverse organisations in
society must naturally collaborate with one another. To be compatible with the
rest of the sophisticated, industrial society's institutions.
Malinowski, the famed functionalist,
wrote on religion, science, and magic and examined their functions. Despite the
fact that he supplied a plethora of data on primitive religious practises and
beliefs, he did not bring any new notions to the study of religion. Another
functionalist, Radcliffe-Brown, discussed the roles of religion. He drew
largely on Durkheim's views.
Durkheim's theory of religion is
significant because it inspired subsequent sociological study on religious
occurrences.
Fustel de Coulange, a French
historian, and Oscar Smith, a former Professor of Arabic students at Cambridge
University believed that their religion had its origins in the very essence of
early civilization. All members of a group, according to Robertson Smith, A
tribe's clan was regarded to be of one blood. Because he was conceived as the
bodily father of the clan-founder, the deity of the clan was also supposed to
be of the same blood. In other words, the clan was the deity. Totemic animals
were created as actual representations of this god. It was a holy communion to
sacrifice the totemic creature and partake in its flesh and blood. Durkheim
attempted to demonstrate how religion emerged from the mere existence of
society, much inspired by this method. The goal of sociology, according to
Durkheim (1895), is to investigate social facts. He defines social phenomena as
those variables that are external to the person yet have a controlling impact
on one's actions. He defines social facts as
i)
being exterior to the person,
ii)
exerting pressure on the
individual, and
iii)
being objective, in the sense that they cannot be
defined by individuals to suit themselves.
He
chastised people who attempted to interpret religion through the lens of individual psychology. He inquired whether
religion arose from a delusion. How
could it have lasted so long and been discovered to exist globally? He said that many prehistoric societies took
the so-called noteworthy natural forces--the
sun, moon, sky, sea, and so on--for granted and saw them as ordinary occurrences. He stated that, in
contrast, everyday creatures were adored
in totemism, an early type of religion. These included creatures like bunnies, worms, and frogs, which do not
strike us as awe-inspiring, magical, or
amazing. He found the relevance of religion in its social context while accounting for their significance. In the
next part, we will look at how Durkheim explained religion as a social phenomena.
[2]Religion in terms
of its functions
[3]When
intellectuals were disillusioned with religion, Durkheim (1 858- 1917) came to explain religion's
constructive benefits for society. Durkheim was
dissatisfied with evolutionist theories because they failed to give religion significance as a social
institution. Durkheim's key arguments regarding
religion were published in a book called The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. It was initially
published in French in 1912, and it was later
translated into English in 1915. Durkheim used totemism as a test case
to show the social functions of
religion. Totemism among the central Australian
tribes, as reflected in Spencer and Gillen's enthnography, came in useful for Durkhiem. He picked totemism
for study for two reasons: first, he thought
it was a fundamental type of religion; second, he thought the sacredprofane difference came from
totemic practise.
Totemism : An Elementary Form of Religion
[4]Totemism
was a fundamental form for Durkheim not because it was historically the first. Totemism was the most basic type since
it was the simplest in terms of
organisation. Furthermore, totemism might be
explained without referencing any past religion. In other words,
totemism's characteristics were
unique to itself. It should be noted that Durkheim was opposed to animism and naturism. Animism and naturism both
thought that religion evolved from
early people's ignorance of nature. The term 'totem' has a special connotation in sociology. As previously said, the
totem is a representation of the
group or clan based on various crucial elements and situations. That is, a 'totem' is primarily a social symbol
rather than an individual emblem.
Whereas Durkheim claims that all religious beliefs "are true in their own way" for
believers. He questioned the notion that religion arose from an error, a delusion. If that was the case, how could
religion be so prevalent and long-lasting?
Second,
he called into question the premise that animism was exclusively present in primitive communities. He
mentioned that it was also seen in cultures
such as China and Egypt. On the contrary, according to Durkheim, primitive groups took natural events for
granted and exhibited little interest in
natural phenomena. He referred to naturism, or the worship of natural events, as a deceptive explanation for
religious action. Thus, while criticising
evolutionism in general, and naturism and animism in particular, Durkheim was able to explain how totemism
gives birth to the dichotomy between 'sacred'
and 'profane'.
[5]Sacred and Profane
Totemism
is a belief and ceremonial system centred on the totem. The totem is frequently an animal, vegetable, or
mythological ancestor. The totem is holy,
and it is revered. The totem cannot be addressed unless certain rites and ceremonies are performed. To approach
the sacred totem, one must purify
oneself both within and outwardly. However, the item at the heart of totemic
religion is not an animal or a vegetable in the traditional sense.
Rather, the graphic portrayal of the animal or vegetable is revered.
Totems are often used as a symbol of
clan identification. The clan's totem is also the totem of its members. The profane world exists in opposition to
the holy realm of totem. Humans and
everything else unrelated to the sacred totem
are included in the profane realm. Myths, stories, dogmas, and 'beliefs'
all portray the holy totem,
its'power, virtues, and interaction with the profane world. The sacred and profane are distinct, and the borders
between them are well defined.
Durkheim (1964:38) defines the separation between the profane and the holy as "absolute." These two realms
are even antagonistic to one another.
Durkheim
Argues that this sort of sacred-profane dichotomy exists in all religions. It was previously stated that
the profane can only reach the sacred by
performing chain under certain conditions. These ceremonies are based on beliefs. In other words, the two main
categories in which a religion is arranged
are beliefs and rites. This type of dual structure in terms of beliefs and rites is significant because it
explains religious functions, which we will
learn about in the following section.
[6]Functions of Religion
The distinction between cognition and action
relates to the split of religious occurrences into two main categories,
namely, beliefs and rituals. As a result, we may talk about religion's 7cognitive and social
functions.
·
Cognitive functions
Religion has the power to shape people's thoughts and hence help them survive and adapt to their circumstances.
Participation in religious practises results
in the development of a superior 'person with power and vigour to confront the world. This image of religion
must be considered in the context of
Durkheim's claim that religion has survived because it has met certain requirements. Religion creates a specific
mental state inside the individual that
elevates one above oneself and allows us to live a better life. Durkheim was harshly critical of theories based on
science. He contended that the essential
notions of science, such as time, space, number, and causation, arose from one's religious journey.
"Philosophy and sciences were born,"
wrote Durkheim. Religion, it is because religion originated by
displacing science and
philosophy." In truth, time, place, and numbers convey the "rhythm of collective activity"
towards the divine. The primitives' communal
behaviours towards the holy resulted in the categories of time, space, number, and class, through which we
interpret the world. If that's the case,
these are communal representations. At the cognitive level, these originate from a communal reaction to
the sacred.
·
Social functions
According to Durkheim, communal representation is the outcome of "an enormous cooperation." They develop
when the entire community joins together to perform particular ceremonies in response to the divine. There are two sorts of rituals:
positive and negative. Negative rituals involve a slew of restrictions that must be followed in order to
re-establish the communal mood and
worship the sacred. Positive rituals, on the other hand, reflect the meticulous 'preparations' that the person must go
through before approaching the holy
and participating in the community. For example, an individual's initiation ceremonies at the age of maturity imply
a "total transformation" of
the young person. Some of the initiation rites include difficult, yet it is through pain that one 'transforms' and the
profane becomes holy. Let us now
try to decipher what this word 'sacred' signifies. 'Sacred' refers to anything noble, honoured,
venerated, and worshipped. Who is the source
of this 'sacredness'? It is civilization that develops "sacredness"
and distinguishes the "sacred"
from the "profane." In other words, gods are created by ceremonies done by humans. Furthermore, what is
considered 'sacred' now may not be so
tomorrow. It is also true that when the 'profane' approaches the holy without proper protections, the 'sacred'
loses its worth. According to the
preceding, the'sacred' is the formation of society. If this is true, then
when society worships the holy, it
is essentially adoring itself.
Isn't that right? Collective feelings are aroused when a society gets
together and performs particular
rituals collectively. These collective feelings are represented by the sacred item, which is set apart and
revered by society.
The
collection of norms and regulations, or ritual features, lead and turn society
into a'moral' community.
[7]A
Critique of Durkheim's Understanding of Religion
Durkhiem contended that religion is created by society. Durkheim
could not agree with professors who believed that religion arose from what people perceived to be genuine. However,
Durkheim's thought has signs of evolutionism.
Durkheim's involvement with religious functions does not imply that he was a "functionalist." Durkheim's
functionalism was straightforward and
broad in scope. Functionalism was first articulated systematically after the 1920s. Malinowski, Radciliffe-Brown,
and Talcott Parson deserve
credit for this.
Evans-Pritchard
(1981) presents some criticisms of Durkheim's religious premise.
i)
The sacred-profane distinction does not apply universally.
ii)
The sacred and profane are not necessarily
diametrically opposed.
iii)
The sacred-profane dichotomy does not appear to exist, particularly among Sri Lankans and Melanesians.
iv)
Totem is
not holy to everyone in the culture; it is only sacred to a select
few.
v)
Totem is not always associated with clan religion.
vi)
The clan's totem does not have to be the individual's totem.
vii)
Durkheim believed that the genesis and cause of
religion are societal in nature and
have nothing to do with individual impulses.
When he suggested that religion develops from
collective feelings evoked by community involvement in rituals, he contradicted himself. Take note of
the use of feelings to explain the origins of religion.
viii)
In his theory,
Durkheim failed to give individual and emotional components of religion enough weight.
Hurbert
and Mauss (1 892) conducted a detailed analysis of Vedic and Hebrew sacrifice in another work. Hurbert
and Mauss demonstrate how the act of
sacrifice enhances the mental and moral energy of
society by studying the logical structure of the mechanism of animal
sacrifice. The act of renunciation in
sacrifice strengthens social forces, and the sacrifice gets society's united might. The social purpose
of sacrifice is carried out in a was for
both the individual and the society. This is another example of how inferences are derived from a specific
social activity. The study does not yield
any results in this case. This criticism, of course, should not prevent us from appreciating Hurbert
and Mauss’s masterful
understanding of sacrifice.
Durkheim
disregarded Van Gennep (1960), who was a contemporary of his with his coworkers. In his book Les Rites
de Passage (The Rites of Passage), he challenged Durkheim's idea of
religion and stated that everywhere across
the world, the Human life crises encompass a wide range of ceremonies. These ceremonies signify the self's writing
with the collective and the universe.
Van Gennep's contribution to sociology was to
point out that every significant event in society, particularly birth,
marriage, and death, was surrounded
by a complex of symbols and ceremonial practises.
Van Gennep's ideas on religion demonstrate that even Durkheim's detractors had plenty to add to the
study of religion. The process of questioning Durkheim's theories generated
new ideas.
Growth of Functionalist Approach
One
does not name Durkheim as a functionalist, but we do label those who were greatly affected by Durkheim's
theories in one way or another. Under the umbrella
of functionalism, Malinowski questioned Durkheim's ideas
on religion. Malinowski,
like evolutionists Tylor and Frazer, wrote about the origins and development of religion. The difference was that
they accused Durkheim of fostering
the acceptance of ideas that had little validity in ethnographic evidence. We can briefly review Malinowski's
opinions on religion before moving on
to a brief discussion of the Radcliffe-Brown
method to the study of
religion. Radcliffe-Brown, unlike Malinowski,
was significantly inspired by Durkheim's views. Both scholars were troubled by Durkheim's methodology in their unique
ways. Their points of view are briefly explained.
Malinowski's
reasoning differed slightly from Durkheim's. Again, Malinowski, like Durkheim,
was fascinated with the origins and evolution
of religion. He, too, was an evolutionist inasmuch as he inquired about
the origins of religion. He became a
functionalist after seeing and documenting the impact
religion had in his life. Malinowski had previously researched
the Trobriand Islanders
in the Western Pacific. The inhabitants here were largely from fishing settlements and had
to cope with dangerous fishing excursions
on a regular basis, as well as experiences that they couldn't explain. Malinowski contended that
primitive humans overcame their sentiments
of dread, rage, melancholy, and so on by engaging in religious activities or performing particular
rituals that helped them transcend such uncertain
sensations. Religion served as a means of regaining mental stability and readjusting to conditions of
emotional stress that had occurred. Religion,
in other words, served as a 'tool for adoption' to every given scenario. For example, when the islanders
set off on a lengthy voyage, they would
conduct rituals and magic on the boat to ensure that it did not cause them any
problems along the way.
This
type of training was performed under a variety of mental and physical instability circumstances. Religion
assisted in restoring mental stability and readjusting
to the emotional stress that had transpired. Religion, in other words, serves as a 'tool for adoption' in
each situation. For example, before embarking
on a long journey, the islanders would perform rituals and magic on the boat to guarantee that it would
not give them any issues along the Malinowski
and his successors provided diverse responses to comparable issues posed by early evolutionists. In
this sense, they viewed religion in terms of its functions; their discoveries advanced bey and
customary replies to queries about
religion's origins and growth. They gave a functionalist counter-argument to evolutionist views. Radcliffe-Brown,
Maliowski's successor, attempted to
evaluate ethnographic material using sociological principles rather than merely witnessing and documenting facts
about primitive tribes. He was drawn
to Durkheim's sociology. way. This sort of
training was carried out under
a range of mental and physical stressors.
A.R.
Radcliffe-Brown attempted to modernise Durkheim's theory of totemism. Religion is viewed holistically.
Radcliffe-Brown (1929:295-309) shown
totemism to be a specific type of racism in his work, 'The Sociological Theory of Totemism.' In human
civilization, universalistic law is
in effect. According to universal law, anything linked to a society's material or non-material well-being is an
object of religious attitude. Those who
rely on dairy products, for example, have a ritualistic approach towards dairy animals. Radcliffe-Brown rejected
psychological theories for the origins of religion.
Evans-Pritchard
(1965:74), on the other hand, is dismissive of this position. He emphasises that in practise, when
explaining the occasions of dancing among
the Andaman Islanders, Radcliffe-Brown explains religious activity primarily in terms of the dancer's
personality and the mixing of sentiments and
deeds in his dance that build communal cohesion. Second, Radcliffe- Brown generalises from this situation that
a ceremonial mindset promotes societal
cohesiveness and harmony. Evans-Pritchard (1965:74) criticises this inclination to generalise based on a
single example. He tells out that dances in Central
Africa, for example, can provoke violence
and unhappiness.
Third,
Radcliffe-Brown contends that religion serves to maintain society together
and its many forms' Qary. in line
with the sorts of society. Ancestor worship,
for example, is frequent in countries with lineage systems. But, as if to prove
Radcliffe-Brown incorrect, Evans-Pritchard (1956:75) points out that ancestor cult is found among
several African cultures where no lineage system
exists. On the following grounds, Evans-Pritchard criticises Radcliffe-Brown's functionalist approach to religion.
i)
Radcliffe-Brown's sociological theories did not take
into consideration any negative
evidence
ii)
In natilre, Radcliffe-Brown's generalised remarks are
a little hazy. They have minimal
scientific significance because it is impossible to confirm or deny them.
Evans-Pritchard
attacked the functionalist approach to religious studies. Furthermore, he studied the possibility
for demonstrating that specific religious
systems are present in certain types of communities. Levy-Bruhl initiated this, while Evans-Pritchard
subsequently brought new concepts to the sociological study of religion.
Conclusion
Functionalism arose as a response to and a challenge to evolution. Early sociologists planted the seeds of
functionalist theory. The definition of functionalism
was then developed. Functionalism is a way of looking at social reality that involves
tracing the functions,
utility, or religious
practises that contribute to the unity and strength of a social
community. Following that, Durkheim's
idea of religion was thoroughly examined. To
begin with, Durkheim picked totemism because he considered it to be so closely related to social order; secondly,
Durkheim believes that totemism possesses
traits that are original to itself and are not stolen. When discussing the roles of religion, it was
demonstrated that religion has a cognitive function
that assists one in adjusting to the demands of daily life. Religion serves
a variety of societal roles.
It changes society
into a moral community.
When
society worships God (whatever God is), it is worshipping itself. To elucidate the ideas, an instance of the
Arunta tribe's totemic practises was provided.
We briefly addressed the concepts of Durkheim's contemporaries. Furthermore, Durkheim's interpretation
of religion was questioned. It was maintained
that his sacred-profane distinction is not universal, and that his religion thesis still relied on
an'individual-psychological explanation rather
than a societal one. This criticism was followed by an overview of the further
development of the functionalist
approach to the study of
religion. Malinowksi and Radicliffe-Brown's thoughts
were spoken about.
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Article Information
FUNDAMENTAL THEORY OF RELIGION
Authors: HANSHIKA MANKU
- Journal IJLRA
- ISSN 2582-6433
- Published 2023/05/18
- Volume 2
- Issue 7
About Journal
International Journal for Legal Research and Analysis
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