Open Access Research Article
Sri Lanka’s Crisis and the Power of Citizen Mobilization (By-Nirmitee Sable)
Published Paper
Article Details
Sri Lanka’s
Crisis and the Power of Citizen Mobilization
Submitted By-Nirmitee Sable
Examination Of Master
Of Law (LL.M)
SAVITRIBAI PHULE PUNE UNIVERSITY
Abstract
Due to inadequate management, Sri Lanka had extreme political unrest and
disastrous economic stability in the
recent years (2020–2022). This study found numerous contributing factors to Sri Lanka's current social, economic, and
political crisis; international relations with bias, Civil upheaval,
a prohibition on chemical fertilisers, the collapse of small and medium-sized businesses, the tourism industry, and
COVID-19, issues with crisis management, immunisation programme that is delayed, energy crisis, environmental catastrophes, politics in families, currency scarcity for consumption,
government borrowing elevated inflation Lock-downs, The UN Human Rights Council has lost my trust. medication scarcity
causing a medical emergency misuse of
the law, printing money for the everyday government, Non-scientific, and
superstitious approach to solve
public problems, Oil shortage, influence of politics in civil matters,
difficulties managing diplomatic relations, repeatedly closing
schools, Russia-Ukraine conflict, minorities are in danger, improbable financial planning, Unpunished war crimes and crimes after the conflict, both a violation of international commercial law and of human rights.
Introduction
On November 16, 2019, the Sri Lankan people chose a new president, then
on March 20, 2022, they demanded his
resignation. The President wants to stay in office for at least the next three years despite denying that there are issues
with the current
political and economic
climate.
Currently, Sri
Lanka is going through its greatest economic crisis ever. The majority of the populace
is protesting in the streets,
calling for the resignation of the one governing family-dominated administration. The
President, however, disputes his inability to act quickly, and the conflict
has since escalated
to widespread street brawls. This editorial makes an effort to comprehend how online mass media have
covered Sri Lanka's two-year journey towards this crisis, as this economic disaster
did not develop
suddenly.
An extraordinary political and economic
crisis in Sri Lanka has led to months of nationwide protests. The Rajapaksa family has held sway over the country
for many years, but its residents have
requested that they step down under the hashtag #GoHomeGota, that the
government deal with systemic
corruption, and usher in political accountability. Tens of thousands have
joined demonstrations across Sri
Lanka in a reawakening of nonviolent political activism, defying government attempts to put an end to these
movements. Massive mobilisation and persistent
pressure shook the hitherto invincible Gotabaya Rajapaksa from office, caused a wave of widespread resignations from the current
administration, strengthened already-existing places for opposition, and generated new spaces for talks
on urgently needed changes.
Despite the unsettling trends of authoritarianism,
democratic regress, and ethnomajoritarianism
that are sweeping Sri Lanka, pivotal times in recent history have brought together
many groups in a display
of nonviolent resistance. The most recent
wave of citizen
mobilisation has been made possible
by these events,
and it has the potential to fundamentally alter Sri Lanka.
Sri Lanka’s History Of Political Activism
Several actors, including victims' groups,
civil society organisations from all over Sri Lanka, trade unions, and political parties, are credited with
contributing to Sri Lanka's long history of political
action, which serves as a foundation for the present upsurge in mobilisation.
In order to push for progressive reforms,
activism has concentrated on a variety
of topics, including
civil and political rights
as well as socioeconomic issues. These issues have been the subject of street rallies,
legal challenges to public comments,
and political discussions.
Opposition organisations, civic society, labour unions, and victims of political violence
all worked to combat
state-sponsored violence and enforced disappearances during the 1980s and 1990s. Among these initiatives is the potent work of the Mothers'
Front, whose members mobilised
in order to raise awareness of forced disappearances and demand accountability.
Many demonstrators experienced
persistent harassment and violence as a result of this mobilisation, which cost the participants dearly
personally. For instance, since the end of the nation's civil war in 2009, the families of those who have
vanished have protested nonstop for more than 1,900 days. Other issues have also received attention, including
teachers and union members who opposed attempts
to militarise higher education, farming
and fishing communities whose members'
livelihoods were impacted by disastrous government policies, communities
opposing government-initiated land grabs, and many other causes. These and other protests have helped Sri Lanka's
opposition movement mobilise over its long
history.
Former president Mahinda Rajapaksa (who served in office
from 2005 to 2015 and is the elder brother
of current President Gotabaya Rajapaksaauthoritarian )'s policies and impunity
gave rise to unprecedented heights of activism among political repression victims, civil society,
and opposition parties.
These government critics
drew attention to the atrocities committed during the civil war as well as the country's
escalating authoritarianism, including threats to press freedom and the improper impeachment of the nation's chief
justice for having the temerity to rule
against the Rajapaksa administration. A common cause was created at this time
as a result of democratic
backsliding, which gave rise to movements like the National Movement for a Just Society,
which called for regime change.
Notably, a march from Pottuvil in eastern Sri Lanka to
Polikandy in the north in February 2021 was the first attempt
by Tamil and Muslim citizens
to unite during Gotabaya Rajapaksa's presidency. Thousands came together to march for minority
communities' equality and justice. The demonstrators disobeyed court orders to stop and desist while being watched and intimidated.
The Sri Lankan government's use of violence,
intimidation, and other methods, such as arbitrary limitations, to put an end to protests has changed as well. For
instance, public health issues were employed to put an end to protests at the height of the coronavirus outbreak. Widespread broadcasts
showed protestors being beaten up and brought to military-run internment camps, giving a chilling message to potential protests.
To prevent opposition
demonstrations, the government also imposed
extensive controls under the pretence
of pandemic prevention measures. However, despite all of these endeavours, protestors
persisted in their opposition to the administration.
The Latest Crisis
Given that various
members of Gotabaya
Rajapaksa's family hold multiple government positions, the current problem can be mostly attributed to his
administration and family. The Rajapaksa
family has controlled Sri Lankan politics for a number of years, building a
sizable support base among the country's majority-Sinhalese population by endorsing
populist ethnomajoritarianism
and highlighting the defeat of the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, a force in the country's nearly three-decade-long civil war. Even though he was accused
of corruption and nepotism after losing the presidential election in
January 2015, Mahinda Rajapaksa entered politics again later that year as a member of parliament. Since gaining a seat in the legislative elections in August
2015, he has established the Rajapaksa family as the most influential political family in Sri Lanka
by working with family members to build a new political party, the Sri Lanka Podujana
Peramuna or Sri Lankan People's Front.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa became a presidential contender in the
wake of the tragic Easter Sunday terrorist
attacks that shook Sri Lanka in 2019. He positioned himself as a strong leader
capable of reestablishing security,
stability, and economic prosperity. Even though he had never previously held an elected position and was accused
of egregious human rights violations connected to the civil war, he was elected
president within a few months
by a margin of more than a million votes.
His numerous initiatives have wreaked havoc
on Sri Lanka's democracy and economy. For instance,
the 2019 tax cuts he implemented dramatically decreased government earnings,
making it harder for Sri Lanka to
buy necessities like food, medication, gas, and petrol. Additionally, the agricultural industry and food security
were negatively impacted by the 2021 ban on chemical fertilisers, which caused many Sri Lankans to struggle to make
ends meet and support their families.
The country's tea industry as well as other businesses were affected by the
prohibition. The economy,
which is mostly dependent on the tourism
industry, was also severely affected
by the outbreak and following
lockdowns. High inflation is a result of government failure in a number of other areas, which has
exacerbated the crisis and created fresh opportunities for violence.
Years of unrest, bloodshed, and
unpredictability in Sri Lanka have been interspersed with a protracted civil war, many humanitarian crises,
and a constitutional coup in 2018. The nation was still unprepared for the current
crisis, which has affected thousands of people and left many of them struggling to find basic
necessities and deal with prolonged power outages brought on by fuel shortages. These issues have also
disrupted important services, such as healthcare and education, as well as people's livelihoods. Numerous people
passed away after collapsing during protracted
lines in the blazing sun for essential products and services, which is a
heartbreaking testament to the
appalling circumstances. Concerns over the effects of pharmaceutical shortages and malnutrition
on Sri Lankans are also growing.
Political activism among Sri Lankans has reemerged in the
midst of this historic crisis, sparking months-long nonviolent demonstrations. Rallies have been held to protest the unaffordable cost of life, the
frequent power outages, and the long lines to buy vital necessities. However,
after a few weeks of nonviolent
protests, on March 31, 2022, violence broke out. On this day, a peaceful demonstration in front of Gotabaya Rajapaksa's home descended into violence, leading
to numerous arrests and
starting an ongoing police investigation. In response, the government enacted
a curfew and declared a state of emergency. Thousands
of people proceeded
to peacefully demonstrate in spite of these measures,
leading to the biggest display
of civil disobedience in recent memory. The
demonstrators persisted in calling for systemic change in Sri Lanka, including the resignation of the
Rajapaksa family from government positions, political accountability, openness
in governance, and an end to corruption. On April 3, the
government collectively resigned in
retaliation. However, for a while,
Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who
still holds the president, continued to serve in their positions despite
repeated requests for them to step
down.
The Rajapaksas' defiance of these demands for resignation
and the nation's poor economic status fueled
demonstrators even more. At Galle Face Green in the centre of Colombo,
demonstrators opened the largest demonstration site on April
9. The name of the occupied location was changed
to "GotaGoGama," underlining the protesters' call for the president to step down. The GotaGoGama campaign is currently the focal
point of the protest, having been occupied for more than 75 days and counting.
This mobilisation stands out in Sri Lanka's
longer protest history for its variety, tenacity, and primarily nonviolent tactics
(except for some instances of violence largely
sparked by government supporters, including deadly
attacks on protesters on May 9). Young people are largely responsible for the protests' enthusiasm and
originality, although a wide variety of ages,
including some in their 80s and 90s, have taken part in the
demonstrations. In addition, the movement has adherents who are unified
in calling for the resignation of the Rajapaksas regardless of their race, religion, class, gender, sexual
orientation, or profession. The protests have also shown an unprecedented level of organisation, with well-wishers providing
food, water, and healthcare.
Additionally, areas have been set aside for innovative forms of resistance like open forums, a library, legal
assistance, street plays, and monuments to previous acts of violence.
On May 6, shortly after the previous state of emergency had been lifted due to rising
pressure and government officials'
concerns that an ongoing hartal (strike) would bring the nation to a standstill, a state of emergency was once
more established. The numerous people who continued to peacefully demonstrate were unaffected by the state of
emergency, as was clearly clear from the
demonstrations in April. On May 9, Mahinda Rajapaksa's supporters attacked the
nonviolent protestors, sparking more
bloodshed. After the violence against the demonstrators expanded to other locations, there were multiple
fatalities along with looting and property destruction at the hands of lawmakers from the ruling party.
Despite Mahinda Rajapaksa's unexpected resignation from his position as prime minister, which was one of the
demonstrators' main demands,
the violence
did not stop. It didn't take long for a countrywide curfew to be put in place,
but the unrest didn't let up for several days.
The escalation of the peaceful protests into
violence was concerning for a number of reasons. Concerns about the police and military's failure to maintain
order in the face of the emergency and
curfew arose when mobs overran streets and
neighbourhoods. Investigations have now resulted in the arrest of a number of criminals, including
those responsible for both the attack on peaceful
protestors and the subsequent deadly violence in Sri Lanka. Questions have also
been raised regarding the possible
guilt of important
government figures, past office holders,
and those in charge of upholding law and order
in the wake of these
arrests.
Sri Lanka had three days without a prime
minister or a cabinet after Mahinda Rajapaksa's resignation. The opposition remained split, and the president
was marginalised. Alarmingly, the political,
economic, and security crises in the nation was getting worse. Ranil
Wickremesinghe, a seasoned
politician, was appointed prime minister on May 12. Subsequently, some people
who were reportedly connected to the
crisis were nominated to the new cabinet, raising doubts about the legitimacy
of the new administration.
Diverse Forms Of Pushback
In
recent years, Sri Lankan politics have progressed beyond the usual public demonstrations. Today's demonstrations take many different
forms, including legal action, public comments, discussions, works of art and drama, as well as social media
campaigns. Social media, for instance,
has given protests a newfound sense of vitality and inventiveness and has
increased participation from protester
of all ages and locations.
The use of
public interest litigation by citizens has increased recently, with many
activists launching cases to oppose
proposed constitutional changes,
legislative measures, as well as unfair
and capricious government actions. Through, among other things, social media
updates on developments in
pertinent courtrooms and the ramifications of associated judgements, public interest litigation has also affected
wider debates among policymakers and common people. This has increased
knowledge on significant contemporary topics.
It is important to note several
instances where public interest lawsuits
and other types of opposition have influenced discussions and
sparked change. The Supreme Court, which had
previously been viewed as pro-regime, invalidated the Divineguma Bill in
2012, which sought to abolish
checks and balances on government and concentrate executive power. The former
chief justice was immediately and
unceremoniously impeached, which is now largely regarded as government revenge. Though the action brought
together a variety
of individuals, it ultimately
assisted in the formation of a broad-based opposition that ousted the nation's
then-president Mahinda Rajapaksa
in the 2015 presidential
election.
These individuals have been at the forefront of Sri Lanka's political
changes before. Political parties,
civic society, labour unions, and academia all came together during Sri Lanka's
2018 constitutional crisis, which
resulted from Mahinda Rajapaksa's illegitimate power grab and the arbitrary removal of the incumbent prime
minister. This caused political upheaval in the island nation. Many people united in a rare display of protest against
this development, taking to the streets
and arguing their case before the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal. After
several weeks of activism and legal proceedings, the Supreme Court issued a landmark decision
declaring the president's actions to be unconstitutional. The crisis was finally resolved
in December 2018 when Mahinda
Rajapaksa resigned as prime minister and Wickremasinghe was appointed
back to his position.
Examples from
more recent times also show instances where strong protests compelled Sri Lankan government officials to alter their
direction. The Twentieth Amendment plan to change the nation's constitution, which was intended to further
strengthen the presidency's power and undermine
independent institutions, was opposed by a broad coalition of stakeholders in
2020. The Supreme Court received
legal challenges from these critics. In addition to rallies, activists used social media campaigns, political
discussions, and protests
to voice their disapproval, prompting the administration to make a number
of adjustments. Despite holding a majority in the legislature, the ruling
party was compelled to include a number of amendment modifications.
The planned Colombo
Port City Economic
Commission Act was also met with vehement
opposition in 2021 from protesters, who regarded it as another
another attempt by the government to transfer authority
over Sri Lankan assets to foreign parties
without transparency or accountability. Activists protested
once more in the streets and filed a Supreme Court case challenging the planned law. China's expanding presence in Sri
Lanka, which protesters saw as a danger
to Sri Lanka's sovereignty and economic health, served as fuel for opposition
to the legislation. The legal arguments
and discussions around the proposed
legislation made Sri Lankans aware of the issues with the
planned solution and forced the government to revise the law's provisions
before it was passed.
These are a few instances where oppositional tactics weakened
authoritarian regimes. These illustrations
highlight the need to take into account political activism in Sri Lanka's
setting of fragmented political
parties and weak labour unions.
As new organisations and groups for criticising government acts, like
citizen-led initiatives and youth mobilisation, emerged, these groups'
inadequacies also did.
Potential For Transformation In Sri Lanka
The endurance
and ingenuity of Sri Lankan citizens are evident in these months-long peaceful demonstrations. A formidable government
fell in a couple of weeks, and a once-invincible political family was sent into exile. In the midst of the
despair engulfing Sri Lanka, the strength of citizen
mobilisation and resistance has attracted attention from all over the world and given the
Sri Lankan opposition much-needed energy, ideas, and views. The function of
citizens and their connection to the government have also been redefined as a result
of these protests.
However, there are still many obstacles facing protest organisations,
such as societal cracks, persistent
political polarisation, and intergroup mistrust. Although these demonstrations
have brought attention to the need to
redress minority rights and hold the war's previous wrongdoers accountable, some people see these issues
as unimportant in comparison to the current crises. Therefore, there is much to strive for even
though the current crisis
presents a favourable opening for upcoming social movements.
A decrease
of demonstrators has also been attributed to protest fatigue
and the change of administration in May 2022. While many
people, especially younger demonstrators, have taken a tolerant position toward the new prime minister,
many others, including
them, continue to believe
that change can only come about if Gotabaya Rajapaksa steps down as president
and systemic
reform takes
place. The Rajapaksas and their allies perceive the new administration as a continuation of the old guard and a
safety net. These factors will continue to influence the protests' course,
determine if they can be sustained, and affect
how effective they are. Despite the obstacles and uncertainties, Sri Lankans have the chance
to capitalise on this time
and forge a new national identity. They can confront structural
injustices and violence while calling
for political accountability, social and economic justice, and a new style of
governance. Neither the results nor
the task will be simple or quick. Thoughtful, inventive, and inclusive citizen
mobilisation has a chance
to reshape Sri Lanka,
as seen by the recent developments.
Article Information
Sri Lanka’s Crisis and the Power of Citizen Mobilization (By-Nirmitee Sable)
Authors: Nirmitee Sable
- Journal IJLRA
- ISSN 2582-6433
- Published 2022/07/30
- Volume 2
- Issue 7
About Journal
International Journal for Legal Research and Analysis
- Abbreviation IJLRA
- ISSN 2582-6433
- Access Open Access
- License CC 4.0
All research articles published in International Journal for Legal Research and Analysis are open access and available to read, download and share, subject to proper citation of the original work.
Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of International Journal for Legal Research and Analysis.