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INDIA’S MARITIME DIPLOMACY: ANALYZING SAGAR POLICY WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS
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Article Details
INDIA’S
MARITIME DIPLOMACY: ANALYZING SAGAR POLICY WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS
AUTHORED BY
- MS. SHWETA BHALERAO
Institute-
Department of Law, Savitribai Phule Pune University, Pune
Designation-
Junior Research Fellow
Email id- b.shweta03@gmail.com
Mobile no.-
09049362277
ABSTRACT:
Maritime Diplomacy for any country is
extremely essential to secure its water bodies and at the same time maintain
international cooperation, at the same time, sustainable development goals also
need to be kept at the center for ensuring no harm to the environment or the
national interest of the country. India showed immense multilateral cooperation
when the Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) policy was
introduced. At this backdrop, this paper aims to analyze the India’s Maritime
Diplomacy with the SAGAR policy as its focal point and understands the
relevance of the same with reference to Sustainable Development Goals while
discussing instances to protect national interest and to ensure cooperation in
the region. Having discussed that, it is inevitable to enumerate and discuss
maritime disputes that India is a party to, as the main aim of any policy is to
bring balance in interest of parties and to ensure harmony and promote
cooperation. Therefore, this paper also evaluates the maritime disputes that
have erupted through the past years and how well the SAGAR policy is helpful in
providing a solution for such disputes or to mitigate the consequences of the
maritime disputes of India.
Keywords:
Maritime Diplomacy, India, SAGAR Policy, Maritime Dispute, SDGs.
Introduction
Maritime Diplomacy is not intended to
lead to a war, but rather to signal to allies and rivals the intent of one’s
policies and capabilities of one’s security forces. Its effects are created
through reassurance, deterrence or compelling circumstances. Maritime Diplomacy
therefore becomes a unique tool for navies and governments worldwide which
continues to further state interest[1]. This puts Maritime Diplomacy in a
unique position where it involves actual use of security forces which affect
other state’s policies relating to use, demonstration and threat to the limited
sea-based forces.[2]
Maritime Diplomacy has evolved from
avoiding war due to sea-based dispute to trying to be cooperative and promoting
harmonious use of sea routes for navigation, trade, exploration, exhaustion and
exploitation of natural resources etc. Some states in the international community
are blessed with abundance of natural resources due to coastlines while some
landlocked states depend on other states for such natural resources.
Nonetheless, most states use sea routes for navigation purposes and for
maintaining maritime security, it is essential to comply with certain norms
which ensure security in such matters. It also essentially means promoting
growth of the region at the same time while ensuring security. The SAGAR,
Security and Growth for All in the Region Policy of the Indian Government,
introduced in 2015 by honorable Prime Minister of India, Shri. Narendra Modi,
is a huge leap forward for India in becoming one of the leading powers in the
Indo-Pacific region to extend multilateral ties for security, growth as well as
sustainable development in the region for all. This paper discusses these
important concepts at length and also discusses the analysis of India’s
Maritime Diplomacy in trying to resolve maritime disputes with other states.
Blue Economy is emerging as a new development
paradigm which is more just and acceptable to both developed and developing
countries. Spotty evidences demonstrate that the ocean-driven segment of ‘Blue
Economy’ is one of the most dynamic segments of the economy in several
countries, irrespective of their economy sizes. The challenges faced with the
oceans lead to a new wave of global governance efforts such as the forum of
Global Ocean Governance which cover issues related to goods and services
provided by the ocean ecosystem. There are immense potentials with the oceans
not only in the aqua sector, as viewed traditionally, but also with other
sectors including those of mining, energy, construction, manufacturing and
services.[3]
During discussions in the framework
planning of SDGs, there were two streams of views which had different
perspectives on the role of SDG14 as an independent goal for oceans. While one
group of countries proposed a stand-alone SDG for the oceans, others argued in
favour of having an integrated goal for natural resources1. Most of the SIDSs2,
particularly Pacific Small Island Developing States, Pacific Islands Forum,
Romania, Poland, Maldives, New Zealand and others, favoured a stand-alone SDG
for ocean development. It was argued that oceans have large potential which can
greatly influence the lifestyle of people in the littoral countries. Following
the current trends in the world economy, the ocean development may not be
assured automatically, rather concentrated efforts will have to be made to reap
huge gains from the oceans. Separate SDG for the oceans could provide
justifications for countering the existing challenges that are being faced in
the way of proposing a plan of action for ocean development [4].
Another group of countries such as
France, Germany, Switzerland, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, etc. was not in
favour of pursuing a separate SDG for the oceans. Pakistan, on behalf of India,
and Sri Lanka presented the view that “lone, singular and numerous SDGs removed
from their entire context are not likely to produce desired result”[5]. However, prolonged debate on the
issue made the global community to realise that ocean sector is going to play
an important role in the economic development of littoral countries. Further,
the unsustainable use of ocean and its resources need to be put under the
purview of the global governance[6].
The Sustainable Development Goals
Agenda 2030 and the SAGAR Policy is the facilitation of India’s Maritime
Diplomacy and the view that it may be the solution to the maritime disputes
that have arisen or might arise in the future in context of jurisdiction,
innocent passage, development, climate change, environmental concerns,
distribution of natural resources, use of natural resources etc. in the Indian
Ocean Region. Blue diplomacy is one essential concept in this regard as well.
India’s Maritime Diplomacy:
Before SAGAR policy was introduced,
the “inherent difficulties” in highlighting maritime issues in
India due to the “abysmal neglect of maritime affairs by successive
governments” as well as the “strong bureaucratic turf battles”;
and against this context, various steps were taken to safeguard India’s
maritime interests[7]. Perceptions of security in this
country, continue to be dominated overwhelmingly by developments on land,
without much appreciation of country’s dependence. In more ways than a realise
today on the sea. This is due to primarily for life and work on land as well as
at historical experiences with Desi perceived, merely as an extension of
land-based enterprise and activities. This is exacerbated by the continuation
of the land word mindset of our Mogul rulers as well as legacy of Britain’s
colonial security doctrine in the Indian Ocean, which emphasised land forces at
the cost of naval forces. Not surprisingly these factors have traditionally led
to the neglect of maritime and naval dimensions of the country‘s security as
well as its basic economic interests. Fortunately, such perceptions are being
challenged by the countries, growing awareness of the sea as the very arena for
economic growth and prosperity, changing international law, and technologically
and doctrinally motivated military developments. Within the next few years,
such economic, political, and military trends are expected to become
exceedingly complex and multifaceted. It is imperative, therefore, to examine
maritime and evil issues in a comprehensive manner, and think through their
implications for the country’s security in the 21st century. The major physical
features of India and its geopolitical position in the Indian Ocean has been
the basis for a centuries – old relationship with the sea. The country’s major
transit and trade routes are situated on the coast, given the location and
height of the Himalayas[8]. India’s naval engagement with
south-east Asia has begun since 2001 and had progressed incremental. It had
commenced with India’s economic growth, maritime-based trade and the benign
maritime relationships with the states of Southeast Asia that had been the
pivot for its increasing economic and maritime presence in East Asia and East
Pacific. India’s Naval engagement with Southeast Asia have been promised on the
economic and strategic rationale of: 1. The imperatives to develop and sustain
the enduring economic partnership is evident in the comprehensive economic
agreements with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) , too. The
enablement of symbolic Indian naval forward presents based on convergent and
cooperative security interests with south-east Asia. In articulating, the 3
concentric circles of Msndala doctrine of the inner, intermediate and outer
circles of Mandala with India as the core state, South East Asia is the
intermediate Manda of India’s realist strategic concourse. South-east Asia
constitutes the extended neighbourhood of India with substantive Jio economic
and security interests, 3. Reinforcing India’s substantive maritime presence in
its mercantile. Enable dimensions has gained imperative. South East and East
Asian theatres are now the hubs of global economic growth, and India has
emerged as a critical, economic and strategic stake holder of regional order
and stability, 4. southeast Asian waters provide the convergence of strategic
and security interests for India, China, United States, Japan as the premier
economic powers that are constantly engaged in the region. Given the great
power involvement in the region that is shaping the regions, architecture,
India’s naval presence and pro-action please a salient role. Is the Indian
naval presence will come in the region? What role does India play in terms of
maritime security in south-east Asia and in terms of great powers rivalry in
the region? Does India exhibit a genuine naval vision in the extended
neighbourhood of south-east Asia and the Pacific that envisions cooperative and
convergent engagement?[9].
Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR)
Policy:
SAGAR initiative provides a mechanism
for India to expand strategic partnerships with other Indian Ocean Region
littorals in Asia and Africa. It indicates the leadership role and responsibilities
India is ready to play in the region on a long-term basis in a transparent
manner through its capacity building and capability enhancement programs and
its relevance observed when seen in conjunction with India’s other policies
impacting the maritime domain like Act East Policy, Project Sagarmala, Project
Mausam, India as ‘net security provider’, focus on Blue Economy etc[10].
SAGAR
initiative’s weakness lies in its capacity and execution. India has the
capability to offer maritime assets to other littoral states but it has limited
capacity to execute them, lack of engagement of private sector along the lines
of the initiative as well as engagement of multiple players , duplication of
actions, as well as regional dependence on international navies[11].
Though the strategic vision behind
the SAGAR initiative is laudable, no official document on the doctrine till
date has been promulgated by the Government. That remains a big void in full
comprehension of the vision. India with its geo-strategic location in the
Indian Ocean is a natural and prime actor in this region and thus it must
leverage this to become a prominent regional player in IOR and influence the
present and future trajectory of maritime stability in this region[12]. The OPV CGS Barracuda was the first
ever warship built in India for export, based on the specific design
requirements of the buyer country, which in this case was Mauritius. It was
built by India’s defence PSU (Public Sector Undertaking) Garden Reach Ship
Builders and Engineers Limited (GRSE) in Kolkata.[13]. It symbolised a new beginning for
India’s defence industry sales; and the ships final destination being Mauritius
indicated the island nations geo-strategic importance in the Indian Ocean[14]. The Indian Ocean has over forty
littoral states bearing over 40 per cent of the world’s population. It is
through the IOR that two-thirds of the world’s oil shipments; one-third of the
world’s bulk cargo; and half of the world’s container traffic transit. Also 90
per cent of India’s trade by volume and 90 per cent of its energy imports
transit through these waters. [15].
SAGAR is most effective in a scenario of positive
bilateralism. Presently India
Maldives relations are going through
a difficult phase[16]. A few
hiccups have also arisen regarding India’s infrastructural developmental
activities in the strategically located island nation of Seychelles which need
to be addressed.[17] Sustaining
positive bilateral relations on a long-term basis with the Indian Ocean
littorals will be a major challenge in implementing SAGAR. It is in such a
scenario that the role of the political leadership in India becomes crucial to
keep up the momentum of cooperation[16].
The weakness of the SAGAR initiative
is due to its capacity and execution. Although India has the capability to
offer the maritime assets it has limited capacity to execute it. The limitation
of capacity, coupled with a lack of international coordination, will fail in
living up to the expectations of its maritime neighbors[17].
“India considers the IORA as an
important instrument for achieving peace and security in the region”[18]. IORA was established in March 1997
and has a Secretariat in Mauritius. It has 22 members and 09 Dialogue Partners.
The eight existing Working Groups are: • Maritime safety and security- Trade
and investment facilitation, Fisheries management, Disaster risk management, Tourism
and cultural exchange, Academic, Science and Technology, Blue economy, Women’s
empowerment, [19].
According to the World Bank, the blue economy is “the sustainable utilization
of ocean resources for economic growth, livelihood security, and employment
generation while sustaining the health of ocean life.”[20]. maritime security coordinates
maritime issues such as national security, the marine
environment, economic development and human security, all these are facets
of the sustainable development goals which are to be achieved till 2030, under
the SDG Agenda 2030[21].
Promoting Sustainable Development Goals:
With the adoption of the Sustainable
Development Goals (SDGs), the international community demonstrated its renewed
global commitment to sustainable development and clarified the ambitious vision
for the wide range of goals to be achieved under this framework. International
agreement on a set of SDGs was a significant diplomatic achievement in its own
right, but implementation is an even greater challenge[22]. The process of implementing
sustainable development requires a governance system that can match the
ambition and complexity of the goals. One of the greatest challenges for
sustainable development governance is the complexity of the issues and the
evolving diplomatic processes required to address the linkages across issue
areas, scales and actors[23].
Maritime Diplomacy itself brings in
the flavor of sustainable development, security, growth and sustained progress
for all in the sea-based environment including other water bodies as well, but
since the focal point is the Indian Ocean Region for India, it is filled with
trade related activities promoting sustained development and growth for all
involved in the region. Sustainable development goals focus on climate change,
reduction of power, clean water, protection of environment etc. Maritime
diplomacy in its other facets does focus on these aspects as well, with
security being at the center of all these goals especially when it comes to
India’s maritime diplomacy in the Indian Ocean Region.
Blue economy concept, under the
Sustainable Development Goals Agenda 2030, at its core refers to the decoupling
of socioeconomic development through oceans-related sectors and activities from
environmental and ecosystems degradation. It draws from scientific findings
that ocean resources are limited and that the health of the oceans has
drastically declined due to anthropogenic activities. These changes are already
being profoundly felt, affecting human well-being and societies, and the
impacts are likely to be amplified in the future, especially in view of
projected population growth[24]. The blue economy has diverse
components, including established traditional ocean industries such as
fisheries, tourism, and maritime transport, but also new and emerging
activities, such as offshore renewable energy, aquaculture, seabed extractive
activities, and marine biotechnology and bioprospecting. A number of services
provided by ocean ecosystems, and for which markets do not exist, also
contribute significantly to economic and other human activity such as carbon
sequestration, coastal protection, waste disposal and the existence of
biodiversity. [25]
Therefore, Maritime diplomacy is a
means through which sustainable development goals can be achieved like the key
indicators which determine whether a goal can be achieved ot not and if yes,
then how. Maritime diplomacy can play a vital role in realizing the means
through which these sustainable goals can be achieved.
India’s Maritime Disputes:
India and Bangladesh dispute
Bangladesh went in for arbitration
over the delimitation of maritime boundary under the United Nations convention
on law of sea (UNCLOS) on October 8 2009.the court concluded its hearings on
December 18, 2013 in the Hague. the argument focused on issues including the
location of the land boundary terminus, delimitation of the territorial sea,
exclusive economic zone, and the continental shelf within and beyond 200
nautical miles[26].
Bangladesh v. India case can be seen
as reaffirming the rules-based order at sea and producing an equitable outcome
in the maritime boundary delimitation. It was accepted by both parties. high
ranking officials of Bangladesh and India stated repeatedly that they would
comply with the ruling. This was also confirmed in the draft Maritime Zone Act
of Bangladesh of 2018 and official statements made by both governments since
the announcement of the award in July 2014. The legal approach adopted by
Bangladesh and India to delimit the overlapping maritime boundaries in the Bay
of Bengal should be noted by other countries that have similar maritime boundary
delimitation problems and are seeking possible ways for the settlement of the
disputes, such as Japan and the People’s Republic of China in the East China
Sea, and the claimant countries in the South China Sea. If the longstanding
disputes between the coastal states in East Asia could be resolved by taking
the legal approach that Bangladesh and India adopted, exploration and
development of hydrocarbon resources in the overlapping waters would then
become possible[27]
India and Sri Lanka Maritime Disputes
The foremost maritime issue with Sri
Lanka is that of status of Kachchativu, a small barren island in the Palk Bay
area. Though, India agreed on Sri Lankan sovereignty over the area but certain
reservations for the Indian fishermen were agreed by both nations who were
permitted to have restricted access to Kachchativu island for the purposes of
fishing[28].
The Governments that share maritime
boundaries have a prime obligation in maintaining good governance at sea to
manage the risks posed by the terrorists. No individual country will have
sufficient power at its disposal to deal with all cross border evils.
Therefore, cooperation between countries that share maritime borders must also
address the boundary challenges whilst safeguarding their national interests.
In this maritime boundary issue both India and Sri Lanka have acted in a
friendly and cooperative manner by resolving problems through diplomatic
channels. This is an example set by both countries to the world by showing that
countries should keep their respective differences aside, and come together to
resolve border disputes to ensure each ones national security and a pleasant
relationship with neighbors[29].
Sri Lanka does not intend to
deteriorate her relationship with India on wild assumptions and baseless
accusations on issues like Sethu Samudram. It prefers to engage in a dialogue
with India that would result in a joint approach to an environmentally and economically
sound design which will yield benefits to both countries[30].
India and China Dispute over South China Sea
Territorial disputes in the South
China Sea involve both island and maritime claims among several sovereign
states within the region, namely Brunei, the People's Republic of China, the
Republic of China (Taiwan), Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam. There are
disputes concerning both the Spratly and the Paracel islands, as well as
maritime boundaries in the Gulf of Tonkin and elsewhere. There is a further
dispute in the waters near the Indonesian Natuna Islands[31].
International
cooperation and rule of law based approach are the two ways through which
maritime disputes can be resolved.
Sustaining
international cooperation to enhance maritime security requires two supportive
frameworks in the policy and operational areas.[32].
Chinese claims in the South China sea
are described in part by the nine-dash line. Originally an
“eleven-dashed-line,” this line was first indicated by the Kuomintang government
of the Republic of China in 1947, for its claims to the South China Sea. When
the Communist Party of China took over mainland China and formed the People’s
Republic of China in 1949, the line was adopted and revised to nine
dashes/dots, as endorsed by Zhou Enlai. China’s 1958 declaration described
China’s claims in the South China Sea islands based on the nine-dotted line
map. The legacy of the nine-dash line is viewed by some PRC government
officials, and by the PRC military, as providing historical support for their
claims to the South China Sea[33].
The regions of contention are the
Spratly Island, the Paracel Island, maritime boundaries in the Gulf of Tonkin
and other places. Waters near the Indonesian Natuna Islands are also disputed.
The reason why these areas are disputed and of interest to the concerned
nations is the acquisition of fishing areas around the two archipelagos;
suspected crude oil and natural gas in different parts of the South China Sea;
and the control of strategically important shipping lanes[34].
There
is a need to review the operational effectiveness of the UNCLOS[35]. Especially
regarding the enforcement of its provisions on freedom of navigation, the
sustainable exploitation of maritime resources, and the peaceful resolution of disputes.[36].
Conclusion
For
a continued implementation of SAGAR initiative or any other maritime endeavour
which involves a steady economy growth and prosperity as a prerequisite. A
slowed down economy will create hindrance in the initiative and bring all the
efforts of the government to a grinding halt.This symbolises India’s maritime resurgence, as
maritime issues are now centre of India’s foreign policy[37]
With effective implementation of all
these policies, India can act as an enabler to create a positive environment in
the Indian Ocean Region.
For a putative regional power, India
must first tweak the importance of maritime diplomacy in the corridors of power
in Delhi and start giving the shape to all its projects under the SAGAR
Initiative that will involve help in developing and modernising the maritime
infrastructure of neighbouring countries including seaports, explore the
opportunities and strengthen the blue economy, be a dynamic player in the
Indo-Pacific region’s geo-political matrix. This is all part of the strategic
expenditure that though may not give tangible results to the government
forthwith but the returns to India per se will be much higher in the future[38].
The Sustainable Development Goals
therefore can be achieved by taking Maritime Diplomacy and India’s Maritime
Diplomacy as being a means, as key indicators are suggest for holistic security
and growth for all in the region, the Indian Ocean Region, aiming to resolve
maritime disputes through international cooperation and application of rule of
law, as grounded in Customary International Law, enumerated under the United
Nations Convention on Law of Sea[39].
The elements of SAGAR constitute the
IOR policy of India and substantial measures have been undertaken on each of
these constituent elements. It would be helpful if these would be articulated
through a government document. Central to the Indian effort will be continued
growth of its economy and economic prosperity. Any slowdown in its economy will
bring all its efforts to a grinding halt[40].
The 2019 Global Sustainable
Development Report included an analysis of SDG interlinkages. 1856 The findings
highlighted that most SDGs are synergistic, stressing that both social and 1857
environmental Goals have systemic impacts that drive overall SDG progress.
Since 2019, the 1858 literature on SDG interlinkages has grown rapidly[41].
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Article Information
INDIA’S MARITIME DIPLOMACY: ANALYZING SAGAR POLICY WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS
Authors: MS. SHWETA BHALERAO
- Journal IJLRA
- ISSN 2582-6433
- Published 2024/01/16
- Issue 7
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International Journal for Legal Research and Analysis
- Abbreviation IJLRA
- ISSN 2582-6433
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